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Boko Haram: US Lied Over Claims Of ‘Child Solider’ In Civilian-JTF, Says Global Amnesty Watch
The Global Amnesty Watch (GAW) has exonerated the Nigerian government from the alleged use of child soldiers in the counter-insurgency war in the northeaster part of Nigeria.
GAW said the claim by the United States 2017 Trafficking in Persons Report that accused the Civilian JTF of recruiting children in the fight against Boko Haram is false.
Recall that the organisation had vowed to investigate allegations of the use of child soldiers in the counter-terrorism war in the North-Eastern part of the country, saying it categorically contravened the Child Soldier Prohibition Act 2008.
However, after rigorous investigations, the Human Rights and humanitarian organization said the report was not only misleading, but a deliberate attempt to belittle the efforts of the Nigerian military in its fight against insurgency.
Mrs Helen Adesola, the Country’s Representative of Global Amnesty Watch said the instances of underage persons or children being conscripted to fight in the crisis was limited to Boko Haram, which abducts children, brainwash them, ply them with drugs and send them out to fight.
Below is the full report of the investigation.
INTRODUCTION
The United States 2017 Trafficking in Persons Report accused the Civilian JTF of recruiting child fighters and therefore placing minors in hostile environment in contravention of the Child Soldier Prohibition Act, CSPA, 2008. The accusation was expanded to imply that the Nigerian government and military authorities were responsible for recruiting these children even when the vigilante group operates voluntarily.
A likely consequence of this is further unveiling of sanctions and measure against Nigeria that could tilt the balance in favour of terrorists as opposed to safeguarding the wellbeing of the civilian population that had been forced in the past to adopt desperate ploys to stay safe. It became pertinent that far reaching decisions are not taken on the strength of faulty report or flawed research.
The Global Amnesty Watch commissioned an investigation to establish the veracity or otherwise of the US report in line with its stated objective of monitoring and observing adherence to human rights issues in areas with ongoing conflicts. The Global Amnesty Watch has worked in Nigeria’s northeast and has teams of researchers and experts that were dispatched for the assignment.
BACKGROUND (CIVILIAN JTF)
The seven years of Boko Haram terrorists activities have greatly impacted Nigeria especially in the northeast of the country where Borno, Yobe, Adamawa and Bauchi experience the brutality of insurgent. Being the birthplace of the terror group, Borno remain the epicenter that has suffered the harshest form of depravity the group’s fighters have unleashed.
Counter –insurgency efforts were largely ineffective in the period before February 2015 when the start of military operations against Boko Haram were cited as reason for postponing the General Elections by six weeks. Nigeria was faced with arms embargo at about this time which limited the ability of the military and its leadership as constituted then to effectively fight the terrorists. In the period beginning since 2009, Boko Haram freely attacked villages and communities in and around Borno often sacking entire districts, pillage and burn markets, kill residents and abduct children and women.
In 2013 youths in their thousands “armed with sticks, swords, bows, arrows, and in rare occasions Dane guns” formed vigilante groups to repel Boko Haram attacks. The lose vigilante groups came to be known as Civilian JTF (Joint Task Force).
Over the years, the Civilian JTF has contributed to the counter-insurgency war by deploying their knowledge of the terrain and familiarity with the locality to hunt down Boko Haram suspect, apprehend them and hand them over to security agencies.
The state government has streamlined the activities of the group through screening, training and absorbing some of them into state employment schemes. It must be emphasized that none of these schemes is opened to minors and in most cases those that got these assignments are above 24 years of age.
METHODOLOGY
The Global Amnesty Watch investigated the allegations of the recruitment and use of children or underage persons as fighters in by the Civilian JTF using various methodologies to ensure that all possible areas are covered.
These include:
Content analysis of records to which members of the Civilian JTF are subscribed.
Content analysis of media reports of the activities of Civilian JTF.
Review of field reports from Global Amnesty Watch researchers and experts.
Witness interviews.
FINDINGS
Content Analysis of Records:
The Borno State Government has carried out intervention programmes like empowerment schemes and training for members of the Civilian JTF. These programmes required them to register and provide personal details that include Date of Birth (DoB). These details are available in record archives of the state.
The finding from analyzing these records is that even when the 2013 formation year of Civilian JTF is factored in the DoBs on record showed that those that were captured were of age, being older than 18 years old at the time of joining the group. Other information like educational level support this fact because many of them being at holders of at least a basic diploma of having completed one form of apprenticeship or the other post-secondary school, were well past the minimum age before becoming part of the Civilian JTF.
Content Analysis of Media Reports:
A review of media report indicated that this is not the first time that the Civilian JTF has been accused of recruiting child fighters in their war against Boko Haram. A pattern was however established that showed that each time such reports are issued and Civil Society Organizations question them the authors were usually unable to defend their claims and in many instances simply disappear such that nothing is heard from their claims again. The claim that Civilian JTF are using child fighters is usually given weight by tying it to the forced recruitment of abducted children as Boko Haram fighters by the terrorists. This strategy simply globalize the forced engagement of children in the war without zeroing down on the party that is primarily responsible for the act, which makes it possible to blame the Civilian JTF for the atrocities committed by Boko Haram.
Publish photographs and videos were also reviewed, which raised the prospect that the victory gatherings that follow successful operations against Boko Haram could have been misconstrued since children would usually mix up with Civilian JTF members in the course of Civilian JTF members in the course of cheering them on the streets. No video or photographic evidence were found of minors engaging Boko Haram fighters.
Review of Field Reports:
Experts working for Global Amnesty Watch had undertaken several field investigations and reports in the number of years that the organization has been working in tracking human rights issues in the counter-terrorism operations against Boko Haram in the northeast of Nigeria. The use of minors has been a red flag that our experts and researchers look out for in the course of gathering information. These reports have been reviewed to collate secondary data on the use of child soldiers. The instances of underage persons or children being conscripted to fight in the crisis was limited to Boko Haram, which abducts children, brainwash them, ply them with drugs and send them out to fight.
Witness Interviews:
The Global Amnesty Watch sent researchers to conduct interviews that span across the Civilian JTF’s chain of command – vertically and horizontally. The questionnaire included items that interrogated the age at which the witness joined the Civilian JTF, if they knew of any child that was recruited as part of their batch at the point of joining the vigilante group, whether joining the group was mandatory or voluntary, and whether members are forced to remain in the Civilian JTF against their will.
Researchers interviewed 148 respondents between the ages of 21 and 45. It was discovered that the persons of the lower age (21 –24) had wanted to join the fight against Boko Haram since the formation of the vigilante group but were constrained to wait until they are older. Those that were older then 24 years old were able to join the group right from when it was formed. From the responses, membership of Civilian JTF is not forced so those that joined are able to live at their choosing.
OBSERVATIONS
Consistent with the poverty that was blamed for fueling the insurgency, some of the persons in the Civilian JTF might have had stunted growth as children which could account for the difficulty in placing their age by mere visual appraisal.
Boko Haram was and is still solely responsible for the use of child fighters. Since neither the Civilian JTF or a larger number of Boko Haram fighters wear uniforms, the likelihood is high that children compelled to fight by the terrorists could have been counted on the side of the Civilian JTF.
There was no case of the use of child fighters established against the Civilian JTF, whose members rather fight to protect women and children from terrorists attacks.
Accusations of engaging child fighters is not new and are often repeated from time to time even when there has never been any proof to continue repeating the claim.
Its status as a loose assemblage of vigilante groups makes the Civilian JTF lack the capacity to counter the allegations of using child fighters, which raises the prospect that it is being targeted for other reasons other than stated by the organizations making the allegations.
CONCLUSION
This report found allegation that the Civilian JTF recruited children as fighters to be an outright falsehood, and lies that mark a descent to an unacceptable low for any reputable organization or entity to make.
News
The Most Shocking A/Court ‘Judgment’ in Nigerian History: An unfortunate precedent that should not be allowed to stand
The last is yet to be heard of wide ranging ex-parte orders as this time around, the charade has moved to the Court of Appeal, Lagos Division. In the case of FBN Quest & Another vs. Nestoil & Others, the Court of Appeal’s ex parte orders are not only egregious but a chilling sign of judicial capture, smacking of dirty practices at best and corruption at worst.
On Thursday, 27th November 2025, at exactly 2:00pm, Justice Yargata Nimpar delivered a ‘ruling ’ that appeared like a thief in the night, a ghost and unscheduled, the said decision came upon a Motion Ex-parte which was not heard not argued in open court, yet it surfaced, fully written, signed, stamped, and delivered as though it had lived a full life on the Court of Appeal docket.
For many Nigerians, the judiciary has again weathered the storms. Veterans of the legal system describe this episode as “a daylight heist… a judicial armed robbery without guns.”
The controversies over wide ranging ex-parte applications, it would seem, has found its way to the Court of appeal, an intermediate court with limited original jurisdiction as donated to it by statute.
In this instance, barely two weeks ago, we reported the ex-parte orders against NESTOIL and the other defendants listed in the suit before the Federal High Court which led to the transfer of the suit to another judge.
The said interim orders were vacated by effluxion of time, being that ex-parte orders last for only 14 days.
The court however ordered parties to maintain status quo and adjourned the Motion on Notice for hearing by the consent of the parties. That Motion is still pending before the Federal High Court.
It would seem that in order to frustrate that pending Motion, the Plaintiffs somehow filed a similar application to the Court of Appeal which was granted an order ex-parte directing the Lower Court not to take any further steps, including determining the pending application filed by Plaintiffs (now Appellants).
This magically resurrected, fast-tracked application seem to have been rubber-stamped at the fictional “Appeal Bench of Shadows,” as insiders have begun calling it.
A CASE THAT NEVER EXISTED — YET RECEIVED A JUDGMENT
Our Judiciary correspondent gathered that when the court’s official list for the day was released, nothing seemed amiss. No controversial cases. No unexpected hearings.
But somewhere inside the dusty chambers of bureaucracy, a secret file was already being prepared and by 2pm, a judgment carrying the signatures of an entire appeal panel had surfaced — even though none of them had appeared in open court and when the case itself had never been argued before any High Court, making an appellate ruling legally impossible.
By evening, whispers had turned into rumblings. Court workers who handled the mysterious document reported unusual instructions: No public sitting; No mention on the court list; No access to case filings; No digital record and No audio recording of proceedings. Yet an order was made retrospectively to undo a completed act! which is yet another impossibility in law, because the exparte order cannot restore what has been already executed.
“It was like dealing with a ghost file,” one clerk said. “It appeared from nowhere and disappeared into official archives as though it had always existed.”
This judgment, once delivered, spread like wildfire, with legal scholars calling it “a constitutional impossibility.” Veterans said they had never seen anything similar since the 1970s.
Enquiries from our judiciary correspondents indicate that an application can only be hinged upon a valid Notice of Appeal against a decision of a lower court before any application can be entertained at the Court of Appeal.
Further Investigations by our judiciary correspondent reveals that no such Notice of Appeal has been filed nor served on the respondents; no parties have been invited to Settle Records and no Records of Appeal have been transmitted.
One wonders the platform or upon which grounds the ex-parte order was made, observed one senior lawyer, especially as a similar pending application filed by the Appellants has been adjourned for Hearing by the Federal High Court.
Furthermore, the case at the trial court before Justice Osiagor has not been heard on its merits, which documents was placed before the appellate court and all applications before the judge has not been heard or is the court of appeal now a trial court.
A JUDICIARY AT A CROSSROADS
Public outrage rose quickly. Lawyers described the situation as “a hijacking of justice by shadowy interests.” Civil society groups demanded explanations.
A Judiciary where justice can be manufactured behind closed doors…a legal system where influence not merit, decides outcomes…and an institution tested by the weight of powerful external forces, et cetera should not be allowed to thrive.
AN ERA-DEFINING SCANDAL
This judgement will stand as one of the most dramatic challenges ever faced by Nigeria’s justice system. The shockwaves has rippled far beyond the courtroom — touching politics, business, security agencies, and public trust.
One thing is clear: This is the kind of judicial earthquake that rewrites history, shakes institutions, and forces a nation to confront the truths it fears the most. Our judicial correspondences were able to get an incline of the ex-parte orders made by the Court of Appeal as follows:
- AN ORDER of interim restorative injunction reversing all steps taken by the Respondents and/or persons purporting to act on the instructions of the Respondents and which steps or actions were taken pursuant to the order of the Federal High Court coram Osiagor, J made on the 20th day of November 2025 pending the hearing and determination of the Appellants’ Motion on Notice filed on the 26th day of November 2025.
- AN ORDER of interim injunction restraining the Respondents, their agents, servants, affiliates, and privies from interfering with and interrupting the Receiver/Manager in the performance of his duties pending the hearing and determination of the Appellants’ Motion on Notice filed on 26th November 2025.
- AN ORDER staying further proceedings at the lower court pending the hearing and determination of the Appellants’ Motion on Notice filed on the 26th November 2025.
A SHOCKING DEPARTURE FROM JUDICIAL NORMS
Therefore, the Lagos Court of Appeal’s decision to grant ex parte orders in FBN Quest & Another vs. Nestoil & Others stunned the legal community as ex-parte rulings are meant for rare emergencies and hardly exercised by appellate courts. By acting without hearing both sides, while the matter was already before the Federal High Court, the Court of Appeal has undermined the principle of natural justice and distorted its own role.
NIGERIAN IMAGE AT RISK
At a time when Nigeria is striving to reposition its global reputation, this case sends the wrong message. It portrays the country as one where courts can be hijacked by private interests, where fairness is discarded, and where corruption lurks behind judicial robes. For investors and international partners, it reinforces damaging stereotypes of weak institutions and compromised justice.
AN URGENT CALL FOR INVESTIGATION
These orders are not just irregular — they are evidence of judicial capture. They must be investigated urgently. The Chief Justice of Nigeria, the National Judicial Council, the President of the Court of Appeal and the Nigerian Bar Association cannot remain silent. If appellate courts become arenas for ex-parte adventures, Nigeria’s justice system risks collapse under the weight of manipulation.
CLOSING NOTE
The Court of Appeal’s conduct in FBN Quest & Another vs. Nestoil & Others is more than a misstep, it is a warning sign of judicial capture. If Nigeria is serious about restoring its image and strengthening democracy, this case must be investigated, accountability enforced, and reforms implemented. Anything less would be an abdication of the judiciary’s sacred duty to uphold justice. We must not allow that to happen.
A very Senior lawyer emphasize that the exparte order of the court of appeal lagos division in Nestoil has the possibility of eroding administrative control of Heads of superior Court from assigning or re assigning matters within their respective courts. Furthermore both the President of the Court of Appeal and the Chief Justice of Nigeria may not have the authority to disband a panel and re- constitute another panel over any matter in their respective courts. This decision is a total anarchy to the judiciary and urgent steps must be taken to vacate the strange Court of appeal exparte order.
The conduct of the court of appeal justices is not excusable anywhere in the world and it’s indeed has brought the court of Appeal justices who constituted the panel to ridicule
News
Pius Akutah’s Alleged Fraud at Nigerian Shippers Council Uncovered
Investigations by Nigerian Concord Newspaper reveal that the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Shippers Council, Mr. Pius Akutah, has allegedly misappropriated public funds for a lavish lifestyle.
According to our findings, within months of assuming office, Akutah allegedly purchased a bulletproof SUV valued at approximately N850 million. In addition, he is reported to have acquired over twenty exotic SUVs for use as a convoy.
Akutah is also said to have acquired multiple high-value properties, including three in Abuja’s Maitama and Asokoro districts worth over N2 billion, and two in Lagos’ Banana Island valued at N1.8 billion. These acquisitions appear far beyond the scope of his official salary and allowances.
Further investigation suggests that Akutah may be using public funds to support political ambitions, including allegedly grooming militants across 23 local government areas in Benue State for a potential 2027 gubernatorial bid.
Staff of the Shippers Council reportedly claim that Akutah frequently accesses the council’s treasury without proper authorization. Some insiders have indicated that a petition will soon be filed with the EFCC, ICPC, and the Presidency to report his alleged misconduct.
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News
Pius Akutah’s Alleged Fraud at Nigerian Shippers Council Uncovered
Investigations by Nigerian Concord Newspaper reveal that the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Shippers Council, Mr. Pius Akutah, has allegedly misappropriated public funds for a lavish lifestyle.
According to our findings, within months of assuming office, Akutah allegedly purchased a bulletproof SUV valued at approximately N850 million. In addition, he is reported to have acquired over twenty exotic SUVs for use as a convoy.
Akutah is also said to have acquired multiple high-value properties, including three in Abuja’s Maitama and Asokoro districts worth over N2 billion, and two in Lagos’ Banana Island valued at N1.8 billion. These acquisitions appear far beyond the scope of his official salary and allowances.
Further investigation suggests that Akutah may be using public funds to support political ambitions, including allegedly grooming militants across 23 local government areas in Benue State for a potential 2027 gubernatorial bid.
Staff of the Shippers Council reportedly claim that Akutah frequently accesses the council’s treasury without proper authorization. Some insiders have indicated that a petition will soon be filed with the EFCC, ICPC, and the Presidency to report his alleged misconduct.
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