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Tinubu’s cabinet may feature these names

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Bola Ahmed Tinubu
Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s president-elect

No less than 20 people have been tipped to be in the cabinet of Nigeria’s president-elect, Bola Tinubu, after he alluded on Thursday that competence rather than politics will weigh heavily on his choice of ministers.

The job of Nigeria’s president easily passes as one of the toughest in the world and Tinubu has declared that he is not unmindful of the challenges he and his team face.

Thus, to effectively discharge his duties as provided by the constitution, he said he would hit the ground running by constituting a cabinet that will help him to run the machinery of the Nigerian state.

The people who are being speculated to make his cabinet include:

*Babatunde Fashola*

Among the names that have been mentioned to be part of Tinubu’s cabinet, Babatunde Fashola tops the list, as a likely candidate for the office of the Chief of Staff to the President, based on his vast experience, age and strength of character.

The senior advocate of Nigeria was the governor of Lagos State between 2007 and 2015. Before then, he had served as a commissioner and chief of staff to Tinubu who was the state governor from 1999 to 2007. After his tenure as governor, Fashola was appointed first as minister of power, works and housing during the first term of President Muhammadu Buhari and then as minister of works and housing in 2019.

Fashola was the director, election planning and monitoring of the presidential campaign council of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Having been a key part of Tinubu’s success story in Lagos as governor, governor for eight years and minister for almost eight years, his wealth of experience is expected to stand him in good stead.

*Nasir el-Rufai*

A former director-general of the Bureau for Public Enterprises and minister of the Federal Capital Territory and about to serve out his second and final term as the governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el-Rufai is primed for appointment into the Tinubu cabinet as the president-elect himself told the Kaduna helmsman last year that he should not go out of the country after his tenure but stay to serve the country.

To some within the Tinubu circle, el-Rufai is itching to again mount his former seat at Area 11, Abuja, the FCT Administration Headquarters. Those in the know of things said the Kaduna governor intends to continue with and complete his dream of achieving the FCT master plan, which he started decades ago. While his actions came with pains, many believe it was good for the development of Abuja as the nation’s capital.

*Festus Keyamo*

Keyamo is a senior advocate of Nigeria and current minister of state for labour and productivity. The Delta-born constitutional lawyer had served as the spokesperson for President Muhammadu Buhari’s re-election in 2019, the same role he played in Tinubu’s campaign organisation.

There are strong indications that the lawyer would be a member of the Tinubu cabinet as a sort of reward for defending his principal against all odds. Also, Keyamo would be bringing his wealth of experience in the legal field and public speaking to promote and project government policies for the buy-in of the governed.

*Wale Edun*

The former Lagos State commissioner for finance was nominated by Tinubu for ministerial appointment in the first tenure of President Buhari but that was scuttled by certain political intrigues. Now that his boss will be president himself, Edun is in a vantage position to be in the cabinet.

Edun’s background in economics, public finance, international finance, banking and corporate finance at both national and international levels make a compelling case for his choice as the finance minister.

Edun’s interview with the Africa Report last month provides an insight into some of the policies he may pursue as finance minister.

He showed his strong resistance to the continuation of the petrol subsidy, multiple exchange rates, revenue leakages in the oil and gas sector and inefficient tax waivers.

Edun said this would save the country N24 trillion, about the size of Nigeria’s federal budget for 2023.

Edun has served as an economist at the World Bank in the 1980s before taking on a series of senior posts with investment banks in Wall Street, such as Chase Manhattan and the ill-fated Lehman Brothers.

He would later be appointed commissioner of finance in 1999 on his return to Nigeria after Tinubu won the governorship of Lagos State as the ruling generals returned to the barracks.

*Dele Alake*

Dele Alake was commissioner for information and strategy to the then governor of Lagos, Tinubu, between 1999 and 2007, and has remained with him as media aide. He is currently the director of media and communication of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Having remained and worked with Tinubu despite leaving office almost 20 years ago, the ace journalist and public affairs analyst is likely to be a member of his boss’ cabinet.

*Hanatu Musa*

Hanatu Musa, a lawyer and solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, is the deputy spokesperson of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, working hand in hand with Keyamo and others on the media team to portray the Tinubu candidacy in good light.

The columnist, women and children advocate is likely to be part of Tinubu’s cabinet.

*Hadiza Usman*

Hadiza Bala Usman, a former managing director of the Nigerian Ports Authority, also served as the chief of staff to the governor of Kaduna State. She is presently the deputy director-general (administration) of the APC Presidential Campaign Council. The graduate of Business Administration and Development Studies is expected to be a member of the incoming cabinet.

*Nyesome Wike*

The outgoing governor of Rivers State, though a member of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is primed to be a member of the next APC government’s cabinet. This is considering the role he played in the emergence of the ruling party’s candidate, who against all expectations won Rivers State.

APC won Rivers State with 231,591 votes to defeat the Labour Party, which secured 175, 071, and PDP, which got 88,468 through the support of the governor and he is likely to be rewarded with a major appointment in the Tinubu government. Wike had served as minister of state for education in the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan.

*Amb. Ginika Tor-Ijeomah*

Hon. Mrs. Ginika is presently a Federal Commissioner, Representing Enugu state at the Federal Character Commission.
She contested for House of Rep. in 2019 and later emerged as APC Deputy Governorship Candidate Enugu State in 2019 general election.

She mobilized the Igbo across the 36 states of federation for Tinubu victory through her group, the Omaluegwuoku progressive initiative ( IGBO KWENU FOR TINUBU/SHETTIMA ) to delivered votes for the APC both at states and federal elections.

Due to cultural diversity she has been penciled for humanitarian ministry and special duties minister.

*Gboyega Oyetola*

Gboyega Oyetola is the immediate past governor of Osun and a close ally of Tinubu and he is believed to have family ties with the president-elect. Oyetola, who was chief of staff to his predecessor, Governor Rauf Aregbesola, is expected to be in Tinubu’s cabinet if his efforts to return to Osun as governor prove abortive.

*Ibikunle Amosun*

A former governor of Ogun State and current senator representing Ogun Central Senatorial District, Amosun stepped down for Tinubu at the presidential primary election of the APC. He went ahead and supported Tinubu to achieve his ambition.

*Ben Akabueze*

Ben Akabueze is a chartered accountant and the current director-general of the Budget Office for the Federation. He was commissioner for economic planning and budget in the eight years of Tinubu‘s tenure as Lagos State governor.

He is likely to be appointed into the cabinet of the president-elect. If that be, the former CEO of NAL Bank Plc, is expected to harness his private and public sector experience to drive the administration’s vision.

*George Akume*

Akume is a former governor of Benue State who served at the same time with Tinubu between 1999 and 2007; he is the current minister of special duties and intergovernmental affairs. The University of Ibadan graduate was elected to the Senate for three terms, in one of which he served as minority leader. Akume has been a political ally of Tinubu since 2011 when he joined the defunct Action Congress, one of the legacies that formed the APC.

The retired permanent secretary is the only leader that delivered for Tinubu/APC in the Benue Plateau axis of the North-Central, comprising the present-day Benue, Plateau and Nasarawa states.

*Abubakar Badaru*

The outgoing Jigawa State governor, who withdrew from the race for the APC presidential ticket for Tinubu, is also the vice chairman (North) of the APC Presidential Campaign Council. It was only Badaru and his Zamfara counterpart that delivered for Tinubu in their states.

*Abdullahi Ganduje*

Ganduje, an academic and Kano State‘s governor, whose tenure ends in May this year, is a strong supporter of Tinubu. In the face of stiff opposition, Ganduje managed to muster a fair number of votes for his ally in the presidential election. With their close political association, Ganduje is being touted as one of those to be in Tinubu’s cabinet.

*Atiku Bagudu*

The outgoing Kebbi State governor and chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum played a critical role in the emergence of Tinubu both as APC presidential candidate and now president-elect. He is undoubtedly the leader of the party in Kebbi and may be in the cabinet of the incoming president.

Bagudu, who had served as a senator in the past but lost in another attempt to return to the green chamber, has experience in both the legislative and executive arms of government.

*Ibrahim Masari*

Ibrahim Masari, a former national welfare secretary of the APC, stood as a placeholder before the nomination of Kashim Shettima as the substantive vice presidential candidate of the party. The confidence reposed in him by Tinubu and his willingness to play a placeholder role position him for appointment into the next government.

*Tanko Al-malkura*

Al-malkura, a former governor of Nasarawa and senator representing the southern district of the North-Central state, is a close ally of the president-elect. Some analysts have said the lawmaker lost his bid to become APC national chairman majorly because of his affinity with the former Lagos governor, who was aspiring for the party’s presidential ticket.

Now that Al-malkura lost his second term bid to return to the Senate and his man is the president-elect, there are feelers that he would be engaged in the government at the federal level.

*Ben Ayade*

The outgoing governor of Cross River and former senator is the leader of APC in the South-South state. Ayade, who lost in a senatorial contest at the Federal 25 election, is poised to be compensated with cabinet responsibility. The professor of biology has had a stint as a lawmaker.

*Ade Omole*

Ade Omole is a leader of APC in the diaspora and is currently the director of Diasporan Affairs in the APC Presidential Campaign Council. The London-based APC chieftain worked out modalities for Nigerians in the diaspora who have Permanent Voters Cards to return home to vote for Tinubu.

*Simon Lalong*

The outgoing Plateau State governor is the director-general of the APC Presidential Campaign Council. Lalong, whose tenure ends on May 29, failed in his bid for a senatorial seat. His efforts in steering the campaign that brought about the Tinubu victory could well help make a case for his appointment as minister

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The Most Shocking A/Court ‘Judgment’ in Nigerian History: An unfortunate precedent that should not be allowed to stand

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The last is yet to be heard of wide ranging ex-parte orders as this time around, the charade has moved to the Court of Appeal, Lagos Division. In the case of FBN Quest & Another vs. Nestoil & Others, the Court of Appeal’s ex parte orders are not only egregious but a chilling sign of judicial capture, smacking of dirty practices at best and corruption at worst.

On Thursday, 27th November 2025, at exactly 2:00pm, Justice Yargata Nimpar delivered a ‘ruling ’ that appeared like a thief in the night, a ghost and unscheduled, the said decision came upon a Motion Ex-parte which was not heard not argued in open court, yet it surfaced, fully written, signed, stamped, and delivered as though it had lived a full life on the Court of Appeal docket.

For many Nigerians, the judiciary has again weathered the storms. Veterans of the legal system describe this episode as “a daylight heist… a judicial armed robbery without guns.”

The controversies over wide ranging ex-parte applications, it would seem, has found its way to the Court of appeal, an intermediate court with limited original jurisdiction as donated to it by statute.

In this instance, barely two weeks ago, we reported the ex-parte orders against NESTOIL and the other defendants listed in the suit before the Federal High Court which led to the transfer of the suit to another judge.

The said interim orders were vacated by effluxion of time, being that ex-parte orders last for only 14 days.

The court however ordered parties to maintain status quo and adjourned the Motion on Notice for hearing by the consent of the parties. That Motion is still pending before the Federal High Court.

It would seem that in order to frustrate that pending Motion, the Plaintiffs somehow filed a similar application to the Court of Appeal which was granted an order ex-parte directing the Lower Court not to take any further steps, including determining the pending application filed by Plaintiffs (now Appellants).

This magically resurrected, fast-tracked application seem to have been rubber-stamped at the fictional “Appeal Bench of Shadows,” as insiders have begun calling it.

A CASE THAT NEVER EXISTED — YET RECEIVED A JUDGMENT

Our Judiciary correspondent gathered that when the court’s official list for the day was released, nothing seemed amiss. No controversial cases. No unexpected hearings.

But somewhere inside the dusty chambers of bureaucracy, a secret file was already being prepared and by 2pm, a judgment carrying the signatures of an entire appeal panel had surfaced — even though none of them had appeared in open court and when the case itself had never been argued before any High Court, making an appellate ruling legally impossible.

By evening, whispers had turned into rumblings. Court workers who handled the mysterious document reported unusual instructions: No public sitting; No mention on the court list; No access to case filings; No digital record and No audio recording of proceedings. Yet an order was made retrospectively to undo a completed act! which is yet another impossibility in law, because the exparte order cannot restore what has been already executed.

“It was like dealing with a ghost file,” one clerk said. “It appeared from nowhere and disappeared into official archives as though it had always existed.”

This judgment, once delivered, spread like wildfire, with legal scholars calling it “a constitutional impossibility.” Veterans said they had never seen anything similar since the 1970s.

Enquiries from our judiciary correspondents indicate that an application can only be hinged upon a valid Notice of Appeal against a decision of a lower court before any application can be entertained at the Court of Appeal.

Further Investigations by our judiciary correspondent reveals that no such Notice of Appeal has been filed nor served on the respondents; no parties have been invited to Settle Records and no Records of Appeal have been transmitted.

One wonders the platform or upon which grounds the ex-parte order was made, observed one senior lawyer, especially as a similar pending application filed by the Appellants has been adjourned for Hearing by the Federal High Court.

Furthermore, the case at the trial court before Justice Osiagor has not been heard on its merits, which documents was placed before the appellate court and all applications before the judge has not been heard or is the court of appeal now a trial court.

A JUDICIARY AT A CROSSROADS

Public outrage rose quickly. Lawyers described the situation as “a hijacking of justice by shadowy interests.” Civil society groups demanded explanations.

A Judiciary where justice can be manufactured behind closed doors…a legal system where influence not merit, decides outcomes…and an institution tested by the weight of powerful external forces, et cetera should not be allowed to thrive.

AN ERA-DEFINING SCANDAL

This judgement will stand as one of the most dramatic challenges ever faced by Nigeria’s justice system. The shockwaves has rippled far beyond the courtroom — touching politics, business, security agencies, and public trust.

One thing is clear: This is the kind of judicial earthquake that rewrites history, shakes institutions, and forces a nation to confront the truths it fears the most. Our judicial correspondences were able to get an incline of the ex-parte orders made by the Court of Appeal as follows:

  1. AN ORDER of interim restorative injunction reversing all steps taken by the Respondents and/or persons purporting to act on the instructions of the Respondents and which steps or actions were taken pursuant to the order of the Federal High Court coram Osiagor, J made on the 20th day of November 2025 pending the hearing and determination of the Appellants’ Motion on Notice filed on the 26th day of November 2025.
  2. AN ORDER of interim injunction restraining the Respondents, their agents, servants, affiliates, and privies from interfering with and interrupting the Receiver/Manager in the performance of his duties pending the hearing and determination of the Appellants’ Motion on Notice filed on 26th November 2025.
  3. AN ORDER staying further proceedings at the lower court pending the hearing and determination of the Appellants’ Motion on Notice filed on the 26th November 2025.

A SHOCKING DEPARTURE FROM JUDICIAL NORMS

Therefore, the Lagos Court of Appeal’s decision to grant ex parte orders in FBN Quest & Another vs. Nestoil & Others stunned the legal community as ex-parte rulings are meant for rare emergencies and hardly exercised by appellate courts. By acting without hearing both sides, while the matter was already before the Federal High Court, the Court of Appeal has undermined the principle of natural justice and distorted its own role.

NIGERIAN IMAGE AT RISK

At a time when Nigeria is striving to reposition its global reputation, this case sends the wrong message. It portrays the country as one where courts can be hijacked by private interests, where fairness is discarded, and where corruption lurks behind judicial robes. For investors and international partners, it reinforces damaging stereotypes of weak institutions and compromised justice.

AN URGENT CALL FOR INVESTIGATION

These orders are not just irregular — they are evidence of judicial capture. They must be investigated urgently. The Chief Justice of Nigeria, the National Judicial Council, the President of the Court of Appeal and the Nigerian Bar Association cannot remain silent. If appellate courts become arenas for ex-parte adventures, Nigeria’s justice system risks collapse under the weight of manipulation.

CLOSING NOTE

The Court of Appeal’s conduct in FBN Quest & Another vs. Nestoil & Others is more than a misstep, it is a warning sign of judicial capture. If Nigeria is serious about restoring its image and strengthening democracy, this case must be investigated, accountability enforced, and reforms implemented. Anything less would be an abdication of the judiciary’s sacred duty to uphold justice. We must not allow that to happen.
A very Senior lawyer emphasize that the exparte order of the court of appeal lagos division in Nestoil has the possibility of eroding administrative control of Heads of superior Court from assigning or re assigning matters within their respective courts. Furthermore both the President of the Court of Appeal and the Chief Justice of Nigeria may not have the authority to disband a panel and re- constitute another panel over any matter in their respective courts. This decision is a total anarchy to the judiciary and urgent steps must be taken to vacate the strange Court of appeal exparte order.

The conduct of the court of appeal justices is not excusable anywhere in the world and it’s indeed has brought the court of Appeal justices who constituted the panel to ridicule

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Pius Akutah’s Alleged Fraud at Nigerian Shippers Council Uncovered

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Investigations by Nigerian Concord Newspaper reveal that the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Shippers Council, Mr. Pius Akutah, has allegedly misappropriated public funds for a lavish lifestyle.

According to our findings, within months of assuming office, Akutah allegedly purchased a bulletproof SUV valued at approximately N850 million. In addition, he is reported to have acquired over twenty exotic SUVs for use as a convoy.

Akutah is also said to have acquired multiple high-value properties, including three in Abuja’s Maitama and Asokoro districts worth over N2 billion, and two in Lagos’ Banana Island valued at N1.8 billion. These acquisitions appear far beyond the scope of his official salary and allowances.

Further investigation suggests that Akutah may be using public funds to support political ambitions, including allegedly grooming militants across 23 local government areas in Benue State for a potential 2027 gubernatorial bid.

Staff of the Shippers Council reportedly claim that Akutah frequently accesses the council’s treasury without proper authorization. Some insiders have indicated that a petition will soon be filed with the EFCC, ICPC, and the Presidency to report his alleged misconduct.

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Pius Akutah’s Alleged Fraud at Nigerian Shippers Council Uncovered

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Investigations by Nigerian Concord Newspaper reveal that the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Shippers Council, Mr. Pius Akutah, has allegedly misappropriated public funds for a lavish lifestyle.

According to our findings, within months of assuming office, Akutah allegedly purchased a bulletproof SUV valued at approximately N850 million. In addition, he is reported to have acquired over twenty exotic SUVs for use as a convoy.

Akutah is also said to have acquired multiple high-value properties, including three in Abuja’s Maitama and Asokoro districts worth over N2 billion, and two in Lagos’ Banana Island valued at N1.8 billion. These acquisitions appear far beyond the scope of his official salary and allowances.

Further investigation suggests that Akutah may be using public funds to support political ambitions, including allegedly grooming militants across 23 local government areas in Benue State for a potential 2027 gubernatorial bid.

Staff of the Shippers Council reportedly claim that Akutah frequently accesses the council’s treasury without proper authorization. Some insiders have indicated that a petition will soon be filed with the EFCC, ICPC, and the Presidency to report his alleged misconduct.

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