Opinion

SERAP, others and the abuse of activism

Published

7 years ago

December 17, 2018

By Ifure Ataifure

Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), Enough is Enough (EiE), and BudgIT have been doing great work. Nigerians like them and they get positive press for their efforts, which they should do everything possible not to abuse.
SERAP has been at the forefront of utilizing the Freedom of Information Act, often dragging recalcitrant government ministries, departments and agencies before the courts to compel them to release information that they are not willing to make public. BudgIT has done much to simplify the otherwise cumbersome data around government, it makes them into easy to understand infographics that are easy to understand and trendy at the same time. EiE has done much to translate the works of the other two to street actions, often being the rallying point of protests against opaque tendencies in government.

To their credit, the history of entrenchment of good governance in Nigeria, when it finally happens, cannot be told without acknowledging and commending the roles played by this trio. They have built for themselves such reputation that the mere mention of their names is enough to get the cooperation of otherwise indifferent public office holders. It is a reputation that has gotten them seats at the table in various international engagements where matters of transparency and good governance is discussed. The leaderships of the three organizations have been recognized with awards for the work they are doing and in other instances their performance have guaranteed them prestigious grants and funding.

But there is something about reputation. It is like a balloon. One brush against a sharp object and it gets deflated, fit for no use except perhaps to be recycled and deployed to other uses. Reputation is like choice cut of meat that stays prime to the extent that it is preserved under the right environment like in a refrigerator. Power the fridge off long enough and the same choice cut goes bad, putrid and something that becomes toxic for consumption.

Like guarding the balloon against contact with sharp objects or taken caution to ensure the refrigerator stays powered, SERAP, EiE and BudgIT must take precautions what they allow themselves to be dragged into. There are issues around the personal lives of those driving the groups that are kept out of the job they do to the benefit of the country, so that could be immaterial here. There are relationships they maintain with certain politicians that would not be condoned in other climes because it would cast doubts on the work they do, dent on their capacity to be objective. But Nigerians are willing to look away from such blemishes to the extent that these organizations are not seen to be partisan.

The recent letter jointly signed by Bamisope Adeyanju of SERAP, Seun Akinyemi of EiE and Atiku Samuel of BudgIT, addressed to Lt. General Tukur Yusuf Buratai, Chief of Army Staff (COAS), requesting details of the Army’s budget could unravel the gentleman understanding that has allowed Nigerians ignore the limited impropriety on the part of those running the show at these places. The letter wants the COAS to “urgently provide information on the 2015, 2016 and 2017 budget implementation reports of the Nigerian Army, including the amounts released (financial implications) and expended in fiscal years 2015, 2016 and 2017 for the various operations the Army carried out.”

Addressed to any other agency of government it would have been a welcome development since it will beam the searchlight on one more sector of the country and certainly initiate some measure of accountability in such place. But what could be wrong with making such request of the Army?

First, the request smacks of ignorance. Too bad that this strain of ignorance is wilful because the petitioners knew even before they filed their request that it is one not likely to be granted on account of requested details directly impacting the security of the country. It also wilfully ignores Section 11 of the Freedom of Information Act that stated in sub-section (1) that “A public institution may deny an application for any information the disclosure of which may be injurious to the conduct of international Affair and the defence of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”
Secondly, there is no record that any of the people that these organizations hobnob with on the international scene had successfully pulled off such requests in their own countries. If that was possible it would have been a cakewalk for Nigeria to track how some these countries directly and indirectly finance Boko Haram to destroy Nigeria. It would have been easy to track how these countries pay for the sophisticated weapons that Boko Haram fighters take to the battlefield and possibly even lead us to uncovering the receipts for haulage of those weapons to the terrorists, which would effectively allow the Nigerian Army to know how to cut off Boko Haram supplies. But the nations that give grants to SERAP, EiE and BudgIT are opaque in their defence spending to the extent that these things are untraceable. Yet, they these groups accepted the assignment to be the minions that will get information for these covertly hostile nations about how the Nigerian Army has been able to circumvent the arms purchase blockade that has slowed down the eradication of Boko Haram.

Thirdly, without prejudice to their rights to personal relationships, these groups should have sequestered themselves from filing the petition on the account of their personal relationship with some other interests that have been openly hostile to the Nigerian Army on a scale bothering on obsession. The CEO of one of the groups is a protégée of the presidential candidate of Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN), Oby Ezekwesili. She is one of the owners of Bring Back Our Girl (BBOG) group that transited from seeking the safe return of the abducted Chibok School Girls into a rent-a-crowd rabble that has deployed for any conceivable cause provided the protest is against the army. This particular CEO hangs around Oby anytime he is in Abuja and even shuns hotels to take up transit accommodation in her abode. So it this request continuation of a vendetta against the army on Oby’s behalf? Is it a cover to get information that she can use to bolster her lacklustre campaign? Is the information being sought for onward transmission to contacts that are known to Oby in the course of her international work?

Whatever the answers are, they definitely will not smell nice.
Furthermore, the staffers of these groups interact constantly with operatives of Amnesty International, Transparency International, the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) and host of other entities that had made it clear in the past that they have an axe to grind with Buratai’s leadership of the army. Should the Nigerian Army be naïve enough to provide the requested information, how much of it would be passed onto the aforementioned organizations? What guarantees are there that they would be professionally managed not to further pass into questionable hands? These posers should be considered against the backdrop of a UNICEF that only recently has its suspension from the northeast reversed. Part of allegation against it was that it was passing intelligence to Boko Haram terrorists. What country will then pass information that can expose the nitty-gritty of its military asset to groups that are connected with an organization that has been caught passing information to terrorists?
Nigerians have in the past praised the work of the trio in speaking truth to power and holding public office holders to account. But their request to acquire sensitive military information is a handshake taken past the elbow. With the little known about the shady side of these groups one can only conclude that they are engaged in flagrant abuse of their positions as activists and social crusaders. Persisting on the path they have recently chosen will shred their credibility and taint their reputation, which would only go to hurt the only community left to challenge those in power. But the call is theirs to make whether they desire to end up as villains or to remain as champions of accountability.
In conclusion, the Nigerian Army must ensure it is in no way intimidated by the stature of SERAP, EiE or BudgIT. Their clout is not enough to stop Boko Haram so the army cannot afford to compromise sensitive information to satisfy groups that no one knows for certain what they plan to do with the requested information.

Ataifure is a research fellow at the Centre for International and Stratgic Studies, Abuja.

Opinion

Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

Published

6 days ago

August 6, 2025

Our Reporter

By: Fabian Apechihin

Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.

In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.

“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.

She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.

“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.

Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.

On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).

However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.

“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”

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Crime

The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

Published

3 weeks ago

July 18, 2025

Our Reporter

By: Fabian Apechihin

For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.

At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.

While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.

The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.

Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.

Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:

Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.

Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.

According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.

Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.

The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.

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Opinion

The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

Published

5 months ago

March 12, 2025

Our Reporter

By: A G Abubakar

The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!

The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.

Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.

The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.

Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.

Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.

It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.

For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.

Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.

The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.

Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.

Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.

The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.

The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com