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Political Analysts Describe Maikaya as Nasarawa’s Emerging Consensus Bridge Ahead of 2027

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As the political temperature in Nasarawa State gradually rises ahead of the 2027 governorship contest, political analysts are increasingly pointing to Dr. Muhammed Musa Maikaya as an emerging “consensus bridge” whose steady consultations are reshaping the state’s pre-election landscape in unexpected ways.

Though Maikaya has yet to make a formal declaration, the pattern of his engagements and the reactions trailing them have become subjects of analysis among scholars, journalists, political watchers, and even party elders within the All Progressives Congress (APC).

One of the arguments analysts repeatedly highlight is Maikaya’s ability to attract goodwill from constituencies that rarely align behind a single aspirant this early in the political cycle.

Public affairs analyst Ibrahim Dan-Musa describes him as “a unique political figure whose appeal cuts across demographics that typically move in different directions.”

“Maikaya is resonating with two powerful blocs women and youths while earning the confidence of elders. This triangular balance is unusual, especially when no official declaration has been made,” he notes.

For many analysts, it is this triangular base of support that hints at the making of a consensus figure.

Political observers say women’s organisations across Awe, Karu, Lafia, Keffi, and Nasarawa LGAs have grown increasingly vocal about their admiration for Maikaya. Their reasons vary from his humanitarian interventions to his reputation for supporting widows, orphans, and cooperative groups even outside election seasons.

A Keffi-based gender development researcher, Hauwa Isa, notes that women are becoming more politically assertive in Nasarawa, and they gravitate toward leaders who demonstrate accessibility and empathy.“Women see Maikaya as someone who listens. His visits are not transactional; he engages sincerely. Analysts would be wrong to underestimate the weight of this,” she says.

Beyond women, analysts highlight a stronger force the youths. Whether in Toto, Obi, Lafia, or Karu, youth coalitions have begun forming volunteer structures in anticipation of his possible entry into the race.

A political communication researcher at FULafia, Dr. Musa Akoshile, attributes the youth mobilisation to Maikaya’s “soft power.”“Young people are tired of aggressive politics. Maikaya’s calmness, modern thinking, and track record of community projects speak to them. That silent credibility is becoming loud,” he explains.

Social media trends, community town halls, and spontaneous youth solidarity meetings are becoming regular occurrences around his movements a fact analysts say cannot be ignored.

Political historians in the state point out that no governorship bid gains real traction without elders’ blessings. Interestingly, stakeholders in several local governments including traditional council members and senior party figures have privately and publicly encouraged Maikaya to “stay on the path.”

A retired civil servant and elder statesman from Awe, who preferred anonymity, describes him as “the calmest aspirant in the race so far.” “He consults with respect. He is not divisive. Elders are watching closely, and many are quietly leaning toward him,” he says.

Analysts note that elders’ openness toward a younger, less controversial aspirant is part of what strengthens the “consensus bridge” narrative.

Perhaps the most compelling aspect of the analyst debates is the manner in which Maikaya’s consultations are unfolding. Instead of the typical political spectacle, his engagements have been modest but deeply effective meeting stakeholders, visiting community leaders, and listening quietly.

Yet, after every visit, new volunteer groups emerge. New coordinators appear. Communities begin hosting solidarity meetings without prompting. Analysts say this organic structure-building is reminiscent of political movements that eventually shape primaries.

Dr. Nanfa Auta, a political sociologist, describes the pattern as “pre-consensus momentum.”

“He is becoming a comfortable middle ground — trusted by elders, embraced by youths, energised by women. This is how consensus candidates quietly form,” Auta explains.

Inside the APC, the field remains broad, with many aspirants testing their strengths. But analysts argue that few have been able to generate the type of grassroots-led momentum surrounding Maikaya.

His acceptability across the three senatorial zones pointing to a non-ethnic, non-sectional appeal is another factor scholars believe may influence internal party calculations as the primaries draw closer.

While 2027 is still some distance away, analysts broadly agree on one thing: Maikaya has secured a strategic position in the unfolding political equation. His cross-generational acceptance, modest style, and growing structure have placed him at the centre of discussions about possible consensus-building within the party.

For now, he remains on the consultation trail. But if the current pattern continues, analysts believe Nasarawa may soon witness the full emergence of a “consensus bridge” a candidate quietly connecting the old and new political order.

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APC Youth Group Alleges Plot to Substitute Benue Governorship Candidate

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The All Progressives Congress (APC) Youth Vanguard has alleged that the party’s National Working Committee (NWC) is planning to substitute the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Shippers Council, Barrister Pius Akutah, as the APC governorship candidate in Benue State.

In a statement issued in Abuja on Monday by its Secretary, Ms. Celestina Adoke, Esq., the group claimed the alleged move was aimed at preventing Governor Hyacinth Alia from exercising his right to seek re-election in the 2027 governorship election.

According to the group, a report is allegedly being prepared to suggest that Akutah appeared before the APC governorship screening committee, which it said screened and cleared Governor Alia, Kuraun Isaac, and Hon. Terwase Orbunde for the party’s primaries.

The APC Youth Vanguard maintained that only the three aspirants participated in and were cleared during the screening exercise conducted by the committee sent from Abuja, alleging that Akutah neither appeared before the panel nor took part in the process.

The group further alleged that any attempt by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, to secure the party’s governorship ticket for Akutah despite his alleged non-participation in the screening and primary process could trigger internal disputes and legal challenges capable of affecting the party’s chances in the general election.

It also claimed that Akutah did not resign from his position as Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Shippers Council within the timeline stipulated for political appointees seeking elective office ahead of the 2027 elections. The group further alleged that Akutah is currently attending an international maritime conference in London while still holding the federal appointment.

Additionally, the group alleged that any attempt to produce a screening committee report indicating that Akutah participated in the screening exercise would be improper and could have adverse consequences for the party.

The APC Youth Vanguard called on President Bola Tinubu to intervene by cautioning the APC National Chairman, Professor Nentawe Yilwatda, and members of the party’s National Working Committee against what it described as an illegal move in Benue State.

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APC SUPREMACY TEST IN BENUE

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The Zamfara precedent should have been the loudest warning bell any political party could ever receive, yet it appears certain actors within the Benue APC either forgot the lesson or simply believed they were above it. In 2019, the All Progressives Congress swept every single elective position in Zamfara State, only to watch the courts strip the party of every seat won because of unresolved primaries controversies. That singular event remains one of the most painful lessons in the history of Nigerian party politics, a case where victory at the polls meant nothing because the party failed to settle its internal disputes before facing the electorate. It is what many now call the successful defeat, a party that won everything and lost everything in one court pronouncement.

It was precisely to avoid a repeat of that disaster that the APC strengthened its Appeal Committee, a body vested with the responsibility of reviewing complaints arising from primaries and resolving them with finality. This committee exists as the internal safeguard, the mechanism meant to catch and correct every irregularity before matters spiral into litigation that could embarrass the party nationally.

Going into the 2026 primaries, the APC made its position unmistakably clear. Results were not to be announced at state level. Everything was to be centrally coordinated and released only after all controversies had been addressed. This was not a suggestion, it was policy.

Yet in Benue, officials who supervised the primaries were allegedly pressured into announcing results prematurely, in open defiance of that directive and amid credible evidence of misconduct. This was done by elements who apparently regard presidential directives as optional suggestions rather than binding instructions from the leader of their own party.

It must be recalled that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had personally intervened in the Benue APC crisis and handed down a clear directive: all elected officials of the party were to be returned automatically, unopposed and undisturbed. Chief Hyacinth Iormem Alia, a governor once described by Chief Gabriel Suswam as more powerful than God, appeared emboldened rather than restrained by that intervention. Rather than comply, he reportedly dismissed the presidential directive as mere prayers, fielded his own preferred candidates, and proceeded to manipulate the outcome of the primaries in his favour.

What followed was the proper constitutional response within the party structure. Appeals were filed before the Appeal Committee. Upon due consideration of the evidence, the committee ordered rectifications and forwarded fresh names to the Independent National Electoral Commission. It bears emphasis that those so called new names are not strangers to the party. They are the very officials the president had directed should be automatically returned. Their restoration, and the consequent removal of Alia’s placeholders, is not an act of party disloyalty. It is an act that vindicates internal discipline, protects the party’s transparency, and honours the chain of authority from the presidency downward.

Having taken that decision, the APC owes itself, and every Nigerian who still believes in due process, the duty to stand firmly behind the Appeal Committee’s verdict. Any pressure to reverse or dilute a decision that is already in effect would amount to inviting the ghost of Zamfara back into the room, only this time in Benue. The party constitution says the party is supreme. Benue should not be the state where that supremacy is tested and found wanting.

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Some SGFs merely occupy office while real authority is handed to presidential cronies — Babachir Lawal

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By: Fabian Apechihin

Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal, has said that the influence and effectiveness of the Office of the SGF largely depend on how much authority the president chooses to delegate.

Speaking during an interview on Arise Television on Monday, Lawal explained the verification and appointment procedures followed by the SGF’s office when official correspondence is received from individuals claiming to head federal agencies.

Responding to a question on the verification process for letters from persons presenting themselves as heads of federal agencies, Lawal said the procedure varies depending on the style of the administration in power.

According to him, although Nigeria operates an executive presidential system with clearly defined responsibilities for the SGF, the actual powers exercised by the office are determined by the president.

“I think this depends on the government. We are running an executive presidential system of government, where whether or not you are allowed to do your duties depends on who occupies the topmost position,” he said.

Lawal argued that, in some administrations, individuals outside the official government structure wield powers that ordinarily belong to the SGF.

“Some SGFs just occupy the position while the authority is removed from them and given to some personal crony of a president. If the president’s method is like that, fine. But in our own case, the president allowed me to do my job completely.”

He further explained that one of the SGF’s key responsibilities is coordinating government activities and processing appointments into federal offices. However, he stressed that the president has the final authority to approve such appointments.

“Apart from coordinating the activities of government, part of it is appointments. The final approval lies with the president, but the appointment recommendations normally come through the office of the SGF, who puts up a memo to the president, and when the president approves, he sends the memo back to the SGF,” Lawal stated.

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