By: Zagazola Makama

The sprawling Jaji Military Cantonment in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State has for decades been one of the most important defence institutions in Nigeria. It houses the Infantry Corps Centre (ICC) and the Armed Forces Command and Staff College (AFCSC) both pivotal to training officers of the Nigerian Army and the Armed Forces.

But in recent years, the facility has become the centre of a bitter land dispute involving surrounding communities such as Labar Wusono, Hayin Mallam Auta, Ungwan Yahanna, Ungwan Aboki, Ungwan Railway, Ungwan Alhassan, and Ungwan Loya.

The communities have petitioned authorities, accusing the military of land grabbing, displacement, disconnection of electricity, demolition of homes, and disruption of their livelihoods. Several suits are currently pending before the High Court of Kaduna State and the Federal High Court, Kaduna Judicial Division.

The Army, however, insists that its actions are lawful, necessary, and in line with constitutional responsibilities to safeguard critical military installations, maintain national security, and protect lives within and outside the cantonment.

How encroachment started

Most of Nigeria’s cantonments were built in the 1960s and 1970s when cities were relatively small. Land reserves were deliberately left around them as buffer zones for military training, firing ranges, and security purposes.

However, rapid population growth, urban sprawl, poor enforcement of zoning regulations, and alleged connivance of land officials created loopholes. Over time, civilian houses, shops, schools, and even worship centres started springing up in spaces originally earmarked for military use.

In some instances, unscrupulous traditional rulers and community leaders reportedly sold parcels of land within military reserve areas, ignoring the fact that such lands had been gazetted for security purposes.

Land ownership and litigations

At the heart of the dispute is whether the contested villages and farmlands fall within the 3,333.23 hectares of land acquired and allocated to the Nigerian Army by the Federal Government of Nigeria, with compensation for land economic trees and buildings on the site acquired by NASI duly paid from 1984 up to 1987 and subsequent years.

Despite these military records, it is still defending multiple suits, including: SUIT NO: KDH/KAD/328/2018 filed by Alhaji Saminu and 266 others against the Army, in which claimants insist on ownership of six communities within the cantonment. SUIT NO: KDH/KAD/629/2023, in which Hon. Bashir Idris Aliyu claims ownership of over 61 hectares in Labar Village. SUIT NO: FHC/KD/CS/74/2025, a fundamental rights enforcement suit filed by Alh. Idris Hassan and six others against the Chief of Defence Staff and others, alleging harassment and rights violations.

The Army maintains that since these matters are sub judice, it has carefully abided by all subsisting court orders, including injunctions requiring both parties to maintain status quo. Beyond the legal battles, the Army says its core concern is the grave security risk posed by unchecked encroachment. The Jaji Cantonment, it argues, is not just another barracks, it is a strategic tri-service training centre hosting sensitive operational facilities. Its porous flanks have, however, enabled criminal elements including Boko Haram and bandits to penetrate and compromise security.

Security Breaches by Terrorists in Jaji Cantonment

To back this, the army cites a disturbing history of security breaches: November 25, 2012: Terrorists attacked the Jaji Military Cantonment using multiple suicide bombers, resulting in significant loss of life, severe IED-induced injuries, and destruction of military equipment and properties. In 2001, a senior officer, Commander Ogunlana, was brutally murdered within Majors’ Quarters by individuals traced to one of the encroaching communities. On 24 June 2021, bandits invaded the cantonment’s ranch, stealing cattle under the Army’s Investment Initiative Programme. On 23 August 2021, Lt. L.O. Ogunleti was killed at his residence within Officers’ Quarters. March 1, 2022: Terrorists killed almost 70 people in the Jaji general area in Kerawa. Again, terrorists ambush Army troops in Jura where soldiers were killed. There have also been recurring cases of theft, assaults, and vandalism incidents, the Army attributes to unrestricted civilian access through the exposed boundaries. Just recently, a mop Operation carried out by NDELA within the encroached communities led to the arrest of over 30 drug dealers and recoveries of large quantities of hard drugs and psychotropic substances. It was discovered after further findings based on Intelligence that the three top drug barons supplying drugs to Kaduna city and Zaria lives inside Jaji cantonment, making it difficult for the NDLEA or the police to carry out any arrest. Additionally, there have been: Killing of military personnel linked to banditry and other crimes. There was also several threats by terrorists to infiltrate and attack the Jaji Military Cantonment,which houses various formations, including: Armed Forces Command and Staff College, Infantry Corps Center, Nigerian Army Infantry School, Nigerian Army Warrant Officers Academy and the Martin Luther Agwai International Leadership and Peacekeeping Center. This is aside a fighting troops against terrorists and bandits operating from Jaji Military Cantonment referred to as Demonstration Battalion to students but because of the threats of terrorists and bandits and infiltration via these illegal squatters on the Cantonment, they were given additional role of Internal Security in the general area.

“These breaches confirm the existential danger of leaving the cantonment exposed. Fencing and regulated access were not arbitrary decisions; they were measures to safeguard personnel, residents, and critical military assets,” a senior officer at ICC said.

In response to repeated security incidents, the Army embarked on the fencing of the cantonment. According to documents reviewed by Zagazola team, the project was preceded by consultations with the host communities, culminating in agreements that gates would be installed to allow access to farmlands and settlements. Military authorities maintain that the fence does not deny the communities access, nor does it contravene any court order. Instead, it is designed to channel movement through controlled entry points, enhancing surveillance and preventing criminal infiltration. But unfortunately, the civilian settlers continue to destroy the fences and sneaked in through the backs channels.

Furthermore, the Army insists it has respected the 2018, 2019 and 2021 court orders directing both parties to maintain status quo, even as it accuses some claimants of breaching the same orders by embarking on new constructions and illegal mining activities. In one instance, the Army alleged that some community leaders, acting in connivance with a Chinese construction company, CCECC Nigeria Limited, illegally authorised excavation of laterite soil inside the cantonment, receiving over ₦85 million in payment, despite lacking legal ownership rights. This fraudulent activities was carried out with the connivance of a former Commisioner of the Kaduna State Government. The Army has since sought an interlocutory injunction to restrain further mining.

Relocation of markets and electricity disputes

Another point of friction has been the closure of informal markets within the cantonment. The Army explained that this was a deliberate security measure advised by intelligence reports warning of terrorist plots against military installations in Kaduna. Shop owners and traders, including those from affected communities, were relocated to the designated Mammy Market, with palliatives such as food items distributed to cushion the effect. On the allegation of power disconnection, the Army said investigations revealed widespread illegal connections from the cantonment’s electricity supply, which disrupted power to official facilities and affected military operations. The responsibility, it argues, lies with appropriate civil agencies to regularise the communities’ supply rather than allowing continued illegal tapping from military lines.

Military’s justification

Military officials stress that their actions are consistent with the constitutional mandate of the Armed Forces to protect Nigeria’s territorial integrity and internal security. The Jaji Cantonment is a critical training ground for the Armed Forces. Leaving it vulnerable to encroachment, illegal settlements, and criminal infiltration is not just a military issue it is a national security risk. “The danger is twofold: first, it weakens military training and readiness, and second, it creates vulnerabilities that hostile groups like Boko Haram, ISWAP, bandits and other criminals can exploit.”an Infantry Corps official said.
“When civilian settlements are inside the barracks, troops are forced to limit live firing exercises or suspend some forms of training altogether. This reduces combat preparedness, especially for soldiers fighting insurgency. Even more dangerous is the risk of infiltration. Terrorists, bandits or saboteurs can blend in with civilian communities gather intelligence on troop movements, training or stage surprise attacks. Even when we are training, you will see the people of the communities taken our photos and videos. “You cannot run an effective counterinsurgency when the enemy can set up surveillance points just inside your cantonment because civilians have encroached on the land.”said the infantry corps official.

The Army also insists that contrary to allegations of rights abuses, it has exercised restraint, relying on legal processes and refraining from forceful evictions while awaiting court rulings. “Those who abuse this order are the communities, because even as the court has given stay of execution, the residents continue biulding houses and expanding the communities with impunity.

Strain on civil–military relations

Encroachment has also strained relations between the military and host communities. Whenever the Army attempts to demolish illegal structures or reclaim land, it often sparks protests and accusations of insensitivity. They have strong backing of politicians and some elements within the Kaduna State government. This was why the government of Kaduna refused to respond, despite promises they made and assurances that the communities will be relocated to another settlement.

Civil rights advocates argue that some civilians encroached unknowingly, having bought land from individuals who presented forged documents. Others knowingly took the risk, hoping that urbanisation would eventually legitimise their claims. But the military insists the law is clear: lands legally gazetted for security purposes remain under the ownership of the Federal Government, and no civilian sale or allocation can override that. “You will hear them saying in the news that these communities are situated in “Igabi along Zaria-Kaduna road”. But no one will tell you that they are laboring in the middle of the cantonment.

The road ahead

With multiple cases still in court, the matter is far from resolved. The dispute pointed to the wider problem of encroachment on military lands across the country, a development that threatens both community safety and national defence readiness.

The Military high command have repeatedly stressed that safeguarding cantonments is not negotiable. In a statement earlier this year, The Army said it will continue to protect its land and installations from encroachment. We owe it to the nation to preserve our operational readiness and secure our assets. The balance we seek is between security and civil co-existence. But the security of our nation and its Armed Forces must remain paramount,” said Army top Command

For now, the Army is adopting a twin-track approach: engagement with communities on one hand, and firm enforcement of land rights on the other. But the message from military authorities is clear cantonments are not just lands, they are strategic assets tied directly to the survival and sovereignty of Nigeria

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Counter Insurgency Expert in the Lake Chad Region.

SIX COMMONLY MISAPPLIED SAYINGS AMONG HAUSA-SPEAKING COMMUNITIES AND THE PHENOMENA OF CORRUPTION, POVERTY AND

So much is being said regarding the current socioeconomic challenges bedevilling the the Northern part of the nation. They range from the too familiar crippling insecurity, the growing number of out-of-school kids, the (mis)understood “Almajiri” phenomenon, and the massive sea of unskilled and unskillable youths. All, underpinned by challenges of governance, capacity and vision.

Challenges of governance in the North is however just part of the equation. The other being the attitude of the governed born out of decades of bad governance and centuries of what sociologists call “socialisation process”. In the context, it is a process whereby “an individual’s standards, skills, motives, attitudes and behaviours change to conform to those regarded as desirable and appropriate for his or her present and future role in that engender in any particular society” through widely used clichés of culture, tradition and aspects of faith, in day to day interaction and communication.

Psychologists and sociologists posit that “we become what you think.” And what one says frequently and for a fact impact attitude in a fashion known as “language-attitude” connection or “talk-back”. A famous quote says “watch what you tell yourself, you are likely to believe it”. Another asserts that “words matter and the words that matter most are the ones you say to yourself.” Where the thoughts and talks are motivating and development, the actions so become. Spoken words (interpretation) have both negative and positive energies that shape life.

However, a lot of popular clichés across sections of the North do not seem to challenge individuals to rise up to the vagaries of socioeconomic conditions. Thoughts and words may have created a social disposition that doesn’t seem to imbue the spirit of persoal struggle, development and positive “worldview.”
Thus there is the need to reflect on the effects of some of these widely used catch-phases, clichés and adage with a view to minimising their inherent inappropriate connotations and negative consequences.

1. Allah Ya hana bincike: Literally, it means, curiosity is ungodly or that the Almighty prohibits investigation. Many take this injunction to mean turning a blind eye or never be curious towards inequities or wrong doings. This cliché and believe have seriously numbed many societies’ ability to smell corruption and impunity.

Living by this adage has afforded individuals with shaddy characters to manifest and thrive on corruption under the very watch of society as people are seldom held to account contrary to what the Almighty says to the effect that each and every soul should and shall be held accountable.

2. Idan mutum ba zai faɗi al’khairi ba, ya kame bakin sa: In literal sense it implies the need to say something good or shut your mouth. This injunction was aimed at promoting peace and harmony among communities. It has however been turned into condoning damaging character flaws. Society hardly, openly reprimands deviants for fear of infringement. Say something good about someone then shut your mouth. A phenomenon that has turned society into conspiracy of silence in most northern communities thereby enabling persons with moral deficits to have a field, contrary to most religious injunctions.
3. Bakin da Allah Ya tsaga ba zai hana shi abinci ba: God shall always provides is the import of this saying. As true as this assertion is, it’s misinterpretation has made communities to cultivate attitude of indolence. They treat education, innovation and skills acquisition with contempt. People literally wait for manna from the heaven and so hardly struggle to improve their lot. A disposition that is contrary to what the Almighty ordained that, “people should seek for them to find” (Man jaddah wa jaddah). Others, (non Muslims) say “no food for lazy man” (Proverbs 13:4, 20:13). And in corroboration, the Qur’an 53:39, says “Laisa Lil Insana Illa Ma Sa’a” (There is nothing for Man except what he strives for).The poor appreciation of these injunctions has left a large cross section of the North in a serious socioeconomic jeopardy of monumental proportion.
4. Bin na gaba bin Allah ne (unless): This statement seeks to promote loyalty towards leadership. It is however a conditional injunction based on the fact that the leadership is a “just” one (mai adalchi). Over time however it lost this context to mean “any leader” sort of. This development had turned people into blind followers of even corrupt and oppressive leaders in the North. People have systematically been divested of the capacity to hold their leaders (traditional and political) accountable thus enabling them (such leaders) to continously sustain a strangle hold on them, including choices.
5. Jarrabawa ne daga Allah: Simply put, it is a test/trial or a matter of Almighty’s destiny. Nothing is literally wrong with this belief. It however becomes self defeating when caution is thrown to the wind as found among many individuals of Northern extraction. Because the phrase has been interpreted upside down, it has often been cited to justify all forms of carelessness, excesses and outright stupid tendencies in the areas of safety, preventive health and other intrepid behaviour. When people fail to obey traffic lights/highway codes and are involved in accidents or get knocked down they still put blame on the Almighty as a trial or test. The very Almighty that has admonished them to be cautious and operate in moderation.

The misunderstanding of the phase “jarrabawa ce daga Allah” has led to serious and inherent character deficits among many communities in the North with enormous costs.

6. Allah swt Ya ba da dama or dama ce daga Allah: Here people are referring to their God given rights over things such as polygamy, the size of family especially number of kids etc. A lot of communities in Northern Nigeria jump at this “rights” without considering the conditions that come with them. One, for instance, is allowed to marry up to four and have a number of kids but on the condition that one will cater to their basic needs fully and also raise the kids with love and guidance as prescribed by the Almighty.

A larger preponderance of Muslims across the North simply discount the context of these rights and kept marryng and breading kids that they are incapable of taking care of. The consequences of these and other twisted understandings, including such phrases as “zafin nema ba ya kawo samu”, “abin sai addu’a” or “a koma ga Allah swt” (literally surrendering everything to the Lord) naturally manifest in growing incidence of poverty and disease in the society. People, most times invoke the phrases while making little or no effort to improve their lives by making use of God-given abilities. The resort to fate is usually employed as a escape route from reality, rather than as a measure of piety. This and similar mindsets have been partly responsible for the challenges of endemic poverty and social strife in Northern Nigeria.

The misinterpretations simply demotivate! They undermine the spirit of “do your best and leave the rest to Him; the Almighty” Therefore, the body of the Muslim clerics should come to the rescue of the Ummah (society) by preaching the true meanings of the phrases the less informed faithfuls use daily, but largely out of context.
A. G. Abubakar

By Milcah Tanimu

President Bola Tinubu has appointed Dr. Temitope Ilori as the new Director General of the National Agency for the Control of AIDS (NACA). Dr. Ilori assumes the role as the first female to hold this position, commencing her initial four-year term on February 22, 2024.

The announcement was made by Toyin Aderibigbe, Head of Public Relations and Protocol of NACA, in a press statement issued on Thursday.

Dr. Ilori succeeds Dr. Gambo Aliyu, who served as the DG of the agency from June 2019 until February 2024.

Prior to her appointment, Dr. Ilori held positions as a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Community Medicine at the University of Ibadan and a Consultant Family Physician at the University College Hospital, Ibadan.

She holds an MBBS degree from the University of Ibadan and completed her residency training at the University College Hospital, Ibadan. Dr. Ilori also holds a Bachelor of Science and a Master of Science Degree in Human Nutrition and Dietetics from the University of Ibadan, and she is currently pursuing a PhD at the University of Witwatersrand, South Africa.

Dr. Ilori’s areas of research interest include Primary Care, Immunization, Public Health Nutrition, Non-Communicable Diseases, and Women’s and Child’s Health. She has contributed extensively to policy formulation and strategic development, having served as the Commissioner for Health in Osun State, Nigeria, from 2011 to 2014, and as Chairperson of the Osun State Agency on Control of HIV/AIDS and the Osun State Technical Working Group on Immunization.

With over 30 publications in peer-reviewed scientific journals, Dr. Ilori brings a wealth of expertise and experience to her new role at NACA.