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KOGI STATE, THE BIRTHPLACE OF NIGERIA AND ITS POLITICS: SOME SALIENT LESSONS

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For those who may not be quite familiar with Kogi state, here is a refresher. The state was created in 1991, comprising twenty-one (21) local governments and Lokoja as its capital city.

The name Kogi means river in Hausa language after the two iconic rivers Niger and Benue that traversed the state and indeed Northern Nigeria. Kogi State is strategically sandwiched between the Southern and Northern parts of the country. It shares boundaries with about seven states namely; Ekiti, Kwara, Edo, Anambra, Enugu, Benue, Nasarawa and the FCT. Its mantra is the Confluence State which metaphorically allude to the meeting point of both geographical and cultural (Northern and Southern) divides. Kogi could thus be likened to a melting point or microcosm of Nigeria.

A tapestry of diversity in terms of culture, tradition and faith, giving it a quilt like outlook.
Lokoja, the state capital was where the history and evolution of modern Nigeria started. It was the site a British explorer named William Balfour Baikie established as an “expedition camp” in 1857 as he explored the river. Years later the Royal Niger Company (1879-1900), found it attractive in facilitating trading along the rivers.
It eventually became the administrative base/ capital of the British Northern Protectorate as proclaimed by Lord F. Lugard on 1st January, 1900. In 1914 the Southern and Northern Protectorates were amalgamated into one political entity called Nigeria. A name coined by Flora Shaw the wife of Lugard, in 1902 after the River Niger that incidentally connects the hitherto independent Regions that eventually made up today’s Nigeria.

Missionary activities soon followed in Lokoja area, with the first school in the North established in 1866 under Bishop A. Crowther. The Protectorate’s headquarter gave way to Zungeru (Niger State) and Kaduna (Kaduna State) as successive capitals. While Kaduna served as political capital the town of Wusasa-Zaria became the center of evangelical activities with the second missionary school in the North established in 1926.

Missionary activities in the Lokoja area exposed the then major inhabitants namely; the Igala, Egbira, Kakanda, Oworo-Okuns, Nupe and Hausa etc to early western education, which produced great scholars, technocrats, professionals, clerics, military officers and entrepreneurs.
“Mayoralty” (Mai Gari, Magajin Gari) as a leadership form/model, was also first introduced in Lokoja, when the Colonial Administration appointed a person of Hausa extraction as the mayor (Mai Gari) of Lokoja.

The Maigari position was not a hereditary one, as such individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds such as the Hausa, Nupe, Kanuri etc have occupied it. One of the famous Mai Gari being Mal. Bukar from the Borno region.

On the not so positive side, Lokoja has the unenviable record of housing a pantheon of more than seven deposed Northern emirs/chiefs; royal fathers who lost the favours of the Colonial Administration. They include Alu Maisango (Kano), Aliyu Dan Sidi (Zazzau), Muhammadu Aliyu (Gwandu), and Abubakar Dan Abubakar (Gumel). The great Worrior Queen Amina of Zazzau has her resting place arguably at Ida still in the Kogi area after a failed military expedition.

The testament of Lokoja and, indeed, the Kogi confluence region’s rich history, was the production of top class and highly patriotic citizens who served both the defunct Northern Region and the nation meritoriously In no particular order, they include Chief Awoniyi, who was Sardauna’s Private Secretary. Abdulrahman Okene a Cabinet Minister, Isa Koto, Oheiri, Achimugu, Adukwu G, Aliyu Ogbaje, Ado Ibrahim, Sani Omolori, Sunday Danian, Ahmadu Ali, Stephen Achema, Abdullahi Ibrahim, Salihu Ibrahim, Jibrin Usman, Ibrahim Ogohi, Ben Ekele, A.T.Ahmed, Abubakar Audu, Idacheba, Okpanachi S. etc. The successor Wusasa added notable men like Gen.Gowon, R.B. Dikko, I.Audu and the Beikies and Millers in tow.

It is this curious pedigree that makes Kogi State and its politics of great interest to the average Northerner and indeed Nigerian. Unfortunately in contemporary terms Kogi punches below its weight. Outside the era of late Governor Abubakar Audu, (1992-1993) and (1999-2003), Kogi State’s developmental strides left much to be desired, especially given its huge human and natural resource endowments.

Late Abubakar pioneered or was among the pioneers that started the establishment of state-owned Universities in the North. He established the Kogi State University, Ayingba.He later established a State Polytechnic and built the 5-star Confluence Hotel. Other developments included 1,500 housing units, TV and FM stations, among others. These feats have become too challenging to replicate or built upon by successive governors like Idris (2008-2012), Ichala Wada (2012-206), and Yahaya Bello Adoza (2016-2025).

The trio of Audu, Idris, and Wada are of Igala extraction indicative of the ethnic group’s dominance in the state.
Democracy they say, is a game of numbers or rather a tyranny of numbers. In Kogi, like anywhere else in Africa, the numbers are embedded with ethnic and religious enclaves. The Igala commanding over 58% of Kogi population is dominant in 9 out of the 21 local councils followed by Igbira (Tao and Koto) 5 and Okun 4, the remaining three shared with other ethinities in varying proportion.

The two major faiths Islam and Christianity are almost split in the middle with the balance in favour of the Muslim group. The Igala inherently called the political shots in the state until Providence truncated the chain when Abubakar, the presumed winner of the 2016 elections, returned to his Creator. Political power thus shifted to the Igbira through Yahaya Bello Adoza. Divine hands, one would say.It however became a rough ride for him as the ghosts of competing ethno-religious interests and poor handling of same kept haunting the Administration throughout.

One would ordinarily expect that after a checkered two four-year tenure Yahaya would have taken a well-deserved rest and made peace with his aggrieved constituents. But no, he allegedly wangled the last election (the case in Court) to pave the way for his protege, a tribe’s man in the person of Ahmed Usman Ododo.

The Igala and Okun were livid as they knew the voting pattern and/or strength in the State, like many others, could not warrant the victory. Politics in Nigeria is an ethno-religious phenomenon as a matter of fact. So it was believed that there was no way the Igbira vote could have elected Ododo governor. It was felt that barefaced manipulation using incumbency power by Bello did it.

The consequent post-election dust is yet to settle, setting the stage for political instability and concomitant stagnation. Matters become even more curious if some of the new Governor’s alleged utterances are taken into account, such as the contemplated creation of the “Office of Immediate Past Governor” to be domiciled in the Governor’s Office as well as the open declaration that former Governor Bello shall have the final say in the governance of the state. This is disingenuous and smacks of power intoxication. Governor Ododo and former governor Yahaya should do well to realise that power is transient. And the people’s power which lies in numbers shall eventually prevail no matter what. So the brazen attempt to appropriate power through alleged “electoral ambush” and manipulation in Kogi needs to be re-assessed.

Bello and Ododo should tow the path of political collaboration over cutthroat competition to save the state from socioeconomic retardation. In environments where political weightings vary, only concensus building and enlightenment could facilitate sustainable shifts, particularly from majority to minority groups.

To perpetually keep power against the will of the majority is one of the hardest political endeavours. Contemporary history is clear on that.The minority white Boer regime in South Africa could not hold the Black majority at bay beyond a certain point, despite its enormous economic and state prowess. The French could not keep down Algeria by force. America had to flee Afghanistan after about two decades of military operation to beat the majority Afgans into the liberal political line. And many more examples around the globe abound. In politics numbers don’t respect sentiments especially under nascent and wobbly democratic dispensations as found in Nigeria and indeed most of the less developed countries (LDCs) of the world.

Bello shall be saluted for the love of his people but this love should not be to the detriment of the state. Yahaya Bello’s sentiments/posture could be less problematic if he were to belong to the majority ethnic Kanuri in Borno or Tiv group in Benue state. The two groups (Tiv and Kanuri) command two senatorial districts out of three in their states and as such can “comfortably” shut out the third zone from the executive political space. The Idoma and the Babur experiences in the two states attest to this. By extension even the Zuru in Kebbi, Egong in Nasarawa, Fulani in Taraba face similar challenges . Challenges of marginalisation born out of poor voter-education and enlightenment largely prevails. The ability to choose freely is still highly encumbered by ethinity and religion. The government should make massive political education a greater constitutional issue to save democracy.

Providence may have smiled at Yahaya Bello’s Igbira group but it would require tact to sustain it.The “grah-grah” strategy will only hurt the state more. He would do well to save Kogi the needless political suffocation and economic stagnation that come with a “garrison ” or “do or die” politics.

Be that as it may, it behoves the Igala, the Tiv, the Kanuri of Kogi, Benue and Borno respectively to cultivate the political habit of being their brothers keeper. As minorities too, in national context, they should engage with the smaller groups in their enclaves with a view to working out some form of political equity including access to the governorship seat.This shall create greater sense of belonging and also reduce unnecessary acrimony.

It’s a win- win move that strengthen patriotism and also engender rapid development of the polity.
A. G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

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Opinion

Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

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By: Fabian Apechihin

Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.

In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.

“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.

She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.

“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.

Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.

On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).

However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.

“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”


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Crime

The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

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By: Fabian Apechihin


For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.

At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.

While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.

The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.

Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.

Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:

  1. Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
  2. Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
  3. Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
  4. Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
  5. Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
  6. Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.

Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.

According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.

Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.

The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.


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Opinion

The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

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By: A G Abubakar

The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!

The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.

Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.

The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.

Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.

Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.

It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.

For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.

Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.

The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.

Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.

Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.

The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.

The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

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