Opinion
THE ILLUSIVE PEACE ON THE PLATEAU AND THE WEAPONISATION OF RELIGION AND ETHNICITY
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By: A.G. Abubakar.
In matters of ethno-religious crisis, the Yoruba model of tolerance comes handy. With modifications of course, depending on where one’s sectarian inclination. Plus, the fact that poverty is not endemic among the Yoruba. Nor ethnic diversity as well. The bond of kinship and tradition among the Yoruba surpasses that of the Islamic faith, in contrast to what obtains in the North even though the two had contact with Islam about the same time. The Yoruba through the old Mali Empire, that was when they refer to Islam as “Esin Imale”. Indeed, the first set of mosques in Yoruba land was built in Oyo-Ile and Iwo in 1550 and 1655 respectively, earlier than in most parts of the present-day Muslim North. Except maybe for Sokoto, Kano and Borno that embraced the religion in the 10th and 14th centuries.
Outside this axis most development regarding Islam took place in the 18th and 19th centuries. In the Yoruba land of western Nigeria, Islam and tradition coexist harmoniously since ever since. The reason for this may not be unconnected with the variant (sect) of Islam generally being practiced which is the Sufi Order (Ɗariƙat Ahamadiyya, Tijjaniyah, Qadriyyah etc). A lot of the tenets of the Order have been found compatible with the Yoruba cultural dispositions. The Yoruba “Ifa” divination was subtly replaced by the Muslim “Alfa”, a trado-muslim clergyman who like the Babalawo, prepares charms/amulets and concoctions for persons seeking success and protection in life. In the North they are refer to the “Malaman Tsubbu” and they are commonplace too. The practice of polygamy equally practiced by the Yoruba was allowed under Islam only that Islam limits the number to a maximum of four.
Thus, today religious differences never really mattered in Yoruba land. To some extent the same disposition generally obtained in the North until the coming of the Jihadist reform of the Dan Fodio in the 19th century, precisely in the year 1804. A reform that resonated with later day Movements in the 20th century. Salafist Izala groups who strife for purity of practice. The two events (the Jihad and Salafism) reshaped and continue to reshape the practice of Islam in parts of Northern Nigeria. And one of the driving force behind the Salafism philosophy in Nigeria is the Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’ah wa Iqamatus Sunnah (JIBWIS) popularly called the Izala movement, founded in Jos in the 70s by an Islamic scholar named Sheikh Ismaila Idris (1930-2000).
The Movement later got enormous boost through the activities of Sheikhs Abubakar Gumi (Kaduna) and Mahmood Ja’afar (Kano) both of blessed memory. The city of Jos was created by the Colonial Administration in aid of the tin mining activities in the area. “It was a virgin land among the Anaguta and the Afizere natives. Typical of most Hausa and Muslim settlements, leaders Sarkin Hausawan” Jos were appointed to manage their affairs (Krause, General Declaration paper, 2011). The native Berom then were living in a decentralized clan- based scattered settlements on the Jos Plateau with no central authority. In fact, the defunct Jos and Pankshin Divisions up to 1921 (or 1926) were then under Bauchi Providence. The first traditional ruler (Gbong Gwon) of Jos, Da Rwang Pam, a Berom from one of settlements, was appointed by the then Colonial AD in 1947 and directed to come and settle there (Jos) according to one of his sons, Mr. Pam Rwang Pam (May 2016). Before relocating the Gbong Gwon to Jos, there was already a sprawling “setler” enclave populated by Hausa, Fulani, Igala, Nupe, Igbo, Yoruba and others. And it was from this settlement that the Izala Movement was founded. As it were, the Muslim community on the Jos Plateau is a small one amidst the larger non Muslim Berom natives. The community (Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Babur and others) came to the Jos Plateau largely in pursuit of economic opportunities in the tin mining industry which the plateau was famous for. With the economic empowerment the “tiny” Muslim community started terming Jos “home” to the chagrin of the natives who were largely laid back and less involved, business wise, Envy and push-back soon set in.
A perception soon manifested of a tiny economic emigrant group lording it over a vast sea of less prosperous natives. Thus, the age long peace on the Plateau soon started rupturing, triggering series of violent crisis. The two neighbors increasingly became arch enemies. In the ensuing battle for supremacy, the sides, resorted to cultivating platforms and rallying points to secure advantage. Appealing to, religious, political sentiments as wall. ethnicity became a potent strategy. The most lethal and effective one, turned out be “religion”. It soon got weaponized. The Izala, the Church/CAN and other groups took side with their faithfuls in the deadly game of “push me I push you” between “indigenes” and “settlers. The Berom consider themselves the “hosts” and the Muslim (Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Babur and other faithfuls) community the “guests”. They later say no based on their place in the history of Jos and also constitutional rights as Nigerians. The resultant violent crisis has since pitched entire Muslim against the majority Christian group in the Plateau State as a whole, needlessly. And since then, the Ethno-religious embers have been fanned to in and outside the Plateau. A move that kept exacerbating the conflict in both frequency and intensity. Marauding herdsmen and Christian/local militia soon became integral of the carnage to continue to give it a dangerous religious/ethnic coloration and context, away from the basic root cause which was economic with sprinklings of partisan politics. And the consequence? continuous bloodletting, needlessly. According to the Plateau State Peace Building Agency (PSPBA Report), between 1994 to 2020 the state witnessed over 70 cycles of violence that consumed tens of thousands of lives in addition to the destructions of properties worth billions of naira. While the two know the cause of crisis is economic, they successfully appealed to ethnic/religious sentiments to dig in. There is basically no spiritual content to the series of conflict but the gullible onlooker had been made to perceive it as such, unfortunately.
The failure to appreciate the economic context of the crisis has largely been responsible for the many failed Peace Initiatives and Summits on Plateau State. A few include the Obasanjo declaration of state of emergency in 2004 and the appointment Gen. Alli as Administrator, the 2001, ACF Peace Misson led by IGP Coomassie (rtd), as well as various summits by well organizations and institutions (ACF, 2010). The Obasanjo frustrations boiled over during altercations with the CAN, made the unfortunate “CAN-my-foot!” statement. In continuing previous missteps, the current governor Mutfwang constituted a Security Committee of about a dozen persons, all of which were Christians with AVM Napoleon Bali (rtd) as Chairman and Arc. Samuel Jatau the Secretary to the Government as Secretary. No representation from the other divide (the Hausa, Fulani, and Muslims in general), yet the Committee was tasked with finding a lasting peace between the warring groups. It is simply a case of attempting to fly with one wing. This comedy of errors should stop. Plateau people deserve better. Governments at all levels would do well to educate people on this tricky aspect of the conflict to curtail it from becoming a religious war across the country. The move too, should be backed by robust program of poverty reduction and political equity. For, poverty, injustice and ignorance are threats to peace especially in diverse settings like the Plateau State and indeed anywhere else. They are strange bedfellows. They don’t mix well. A stitch in time saves nine.
agbarewa@gmail.com
Opinion
OF GOVERNANCE AND THE ZULUMFICATION OF GOVERNANCE IN BORNO: RANDOM MUSSINGS ON GOV. ZULUM’S 3RD YEAR 2ND STANZA.
By: Inuwa Bwala. inuwabwala3@gmail.com
By the time I put down my pen, the media space would have been awash with narratives about the achievements of Mr President and governors, as a mark of celeberation of their third year in office.
I will not bother chronicling what will be told of their achievements, rather I want to look into the curious magic wand that made my own governor to stand differently tall.
One will not find the definition of title coinage for this piece in any conventional English lexicon, but no Nigerian will claim ignorance of what it signifies in our present governance discourse.
Many words have today been personified after certain people, who popularize an idiosyncritic mannerism.
And so, in Borno’s 15-year war against insurgency, Governor Babagana Umara Zulum seem to have chosen an unconventional playbook: governance style, reminisceint of an emergency doctor, not a distant administrator, which led to above coinage.
Three idiosyncrasies define his second term in particular, and the gains are showing on the ground to the effect that, these idiosyncracies gave rise to the coinage: Zulumfication.
Zulum’s trademark has been his unannounced visits; 2am checks on General Hospitals, surprise trips to IDP camps in Monguno, Baga, Damboa and others. Sudden stops on bad roads in Gwoza and unsheduled night overs in dangerous localities, as his routine.
He inspects projects with torchlight and asks hard questions: sometimes sacking absentee staff on the spot.
And the gains have added speed and discipline to government Contracts and civil servants.
They promptly deliver, knowing Zulum could appear any day any time.
This obviously explains how, 238 projects got completed in year one of his second term and 1,195 projects in five years. That urgency earned Governor Babagana Umara Zulum the Nigeria Union of Journalist’s Good Governance Award on Education in 2023.
And while Borno spent about N100bn on security in 2025, Zulum kept prioritizing people, with N727m going to 28,801 tertiary students. N1.5bn covered nursing students’ fees, besides the cash support reacheming 343,293 women.
His logic, has been that, “Education is the real antidote for insurgency. The payoff is human recovery.
Records indicate that, over 1,000 teachers were recruited, 150+ schools rebuilt, and the 104 Mega School Initiative launched. And so, when President Tinubu commissioned three mega schools in Maiduguri in 2026, he called them “tangible evidence of effective governance.” Kids who once hawked on Maiduguri streets are back in class because opportunity replaced despair.
Again, Zulum is known to have zero tolerance for waste. He has queried commissioners live on TV, sacked ghost workers, and confronted contractors who abandoned sites. It nay be uncomfortable in politics, but it works. Borno scored 89.7/100 on the 2025 Governance Accountability & Transparency Index, up from 86.3 in 2024, ranking among Nigeria’s top 10. Ministries now expect scrutiny, and leakages have shrunk.
Zulum blends this with reconstruction plus reconciliation. While 20,000+ resettlement homes house over 1 million returned IDPs, his “Borno Model” has convinced 200,000+ fighters and families to surrender and got reintegrated. Markets in Bama, Dikwa and Gwoza are reopening. Roads are being rebuilt, though insecurity still stalls some projects in southern Borno.
He remains low-profiled but with very high-output, avoiding political noise and letting the work speak. The Muslim News Nigeria honored him with its 2025 Transformational Leadership Award for “courage, accountability, compassion.”
Perfection is not claimed. Pockets of violence persist, and security costs strain finances, but Zulum’s style proves a point
In a crisis situation, presence builds trust, empathy rebuilds people, and accountability restores institutions. Borno is moving from “state of emergency” to “state of reconstruction” — one unannounced visit produces uncommon results.
Thiese in my opinion are amingst the exceptional things governor Babagana Umara has done, which have given rise to his national acclaim as an outstanding performer.
Opinion
Aondoakaa, a Leader Who Opens Doors: My Personal Story of Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN
By Iorwuese Tyopev, PhD
Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, is, in my experience, a transformational leader, and I can personally testify to this from years of direct engagement with him.
Although I initially knew him only casually as an elder brother from Ushongo, our relationship deepened when I approached him to patronise the business I managed as a hotel manager in Abuja. From that point, Siman Suites in Garki became his preferred accommodation whenever he was in the Federal Capital Territory.
Each time he was travelling to Abuja, his usual call would come: “Tyopev, my brother, please keep a room for me, I’m on my way.”
A defining moment in 2006
One of the most memorable moments in our relationship came in 2006 when he was conferred with the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). For his swearing-in ceremony at the Supreme Court, he booked almost the entire hotel for family, friends, and well-wishers who travelled from far and near to celebrate with him.
Beyond the business value, his consistent patronage strengthened my professional standing at the time and positively influenced my performance evaluation at work.
Continued relationship in public service
Our relationship continued after his appointment as Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice in July 2007 under the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.
Coincidentally, around the same period, my late boss, Senator J.I. Akaagerger, was elected into office and invited me to serve as his Senior Legislative Aide at the National Assembly. Chief Aondoakaa also expressed interest in bringing me into the Ministry of Justice as an aide. Although I chose to remain with my principal at the National Assembly, he respected my decision and maintained a cordial, brotherly relationship with me.
Prison decongestion intervention
Shortly after assuming office as Minister, he launched a prison decongestion initiative. In September 2007, I submitted an application requesting allocation of prison decongestion cases. He immediately asked whether I had legal representation, and upon confirmation, he promptly assigned several cases to me.
That support continued throughout his tenure until 2010.
Career support and mentorship
By mid-2008, I expressed dissatisfaction with my role at the National Assembly. He advised patience and assured me of better opportunities.
True to his word, in January 2009, he informed me of an opportunity with Dr Paul Orhii, then Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), who agreed to engage me as Special Assistant.
Although I resumed duty, I was later informed—within 30 days—that my services were no longer required due to a change in preference. Chief Aondoakaa was abroad at the time, but upon his return, he reassured me, saying: “Don’t worry, another opportunity will come.”
New opportunity at NAPTIP
Shortly after, I was invited to his residence in Apo, where I met Barr. Simon Chuzi Egede, MON, who had just been appointed Executive Secretary of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP).
There, I was informed that I would serve as Special Assistant to the new Executive Secretary.
In a remarkable turn of events, I received my appointment letter the next day as Special Assistant at Grade Level 16 Step 5, along with an official vehicle and chauffeur. I was also integrated into top management committees and exposed to both national and international engagements.
End of an era and lasting gratitude
Following the death of President Yar’Adua in 2010 and subsequent political changes, Chief Aondoakaa left office as Minister, which also affected my position at NAPTIP due to its political nature.
Looking back, I remain deeply grateful to Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, for his loyalty, mentorship, and willingness to uplift others.
Some leaders inspire with words; others transform lives through action. Chief Aondoakaa, in my experience, belongs firmly to the latter category.
NB: This is Part 1 of a series of reflections on my personal experience with MKA, highlighting his mentorship and support to those around him, shared in anticipation of his birthday on June 12.
Opinion
Odua People’s Assembly defends NSA Ribadu, criticizes Ishola Williams’ call for removal
The Odua People’s Assembly (OPA) has come out in defense of National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu, condemning recent remarks by retired Nigerian Army General Ishola Williams calling for Ribadu’s removal.
In a statement issued by OPA Chairman Richard Olatunji Kayode, the group described Williams’ comments, made during a Channels Television interview on March 15, 2026, as “irresponsible and counterproductive,” arguing that they lacked factual basis and risked undermining efforts to address Nigeria’s security challenges.
“His assertions lack factual support and are driven more by emotional manipulation than by evidence-based reasoning,” Kayode said. “Such rhetoric contributes to a culture of ‘permanent pessimism’ that undermines the morale of our security forces and the integrity of our national institutions.”
Kayode emphasized that irresponsible criticism, unlike constructive feedback, damages reputations, fosters mistrust, and distracts from meaningful solutions.
He urged that public discourse focus on actionable measures rather than unsubstantiated accusations.
The OPA highlighted Ribadu’s proactive initiatives, including the National Forest Guard programme, as well as his record as former Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), where he gained recognition for anti-corruption efforts.
“Under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Ribadu has been recognized for his effectiveness in combating banditry and terrorism. His ability to coordinate security forces and solve criminal cases demonstrates his competence and dedication to public safety,” Kayode said.
The group called on influential Nigerians to engage in responsible and constructive dialogue on national security issues, urging Williams to reconsider his position and contribute to solutions rather than criticism.
“Our collective responsibility is to foster an environment of trust, collaboration, and constructive criticism, ensuring that our security forces are equipped and supported to protect our great nation,” Kayode concluded.
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