Opinion
Tinubu Presidency: Why It is in the Hands of the Yorubas
By
Yakubu Ahmed-BK
It is becoming clear by the day, that the 2023 elections, as far as the presidential contest is concerned, is a two horse race. The fight for the coveted office, is, largely between Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar. Both Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, are fringe players whose chances are, in reality, non existent.
Of course, the bulk of the votes, to make or mar any of the two leading contestants is, going by the experiences of the past, domiciled in the North. For either Tinubu or Atiku to become president, how any of them fares in the North becomes critical in the long run.
I give it to Tinubu to coast to victory owing to a number of factors. Atiku is a perennial loser; a desperate one at that. His desperation can be gleaned from his penchant to jump ship each time the result of his many misadventures become evident to him. Yes, Buhari too had tried his hands in the presidency on a number of occasions without success, until in 2015, when, he learnt, the hard way and at the 11th hour, that he alone, and despite his cult-like followership in the North, couldn’t just nick it. The inescapable reality of the Nigerian electoral situation is that no region on its own strength, can make anyone president by fiat. The history of the alliances in the 60’s up to the very last one, had proved those realities. And this reality, is even more evident and instructive now.
One good point in the case of both Tinubu and his running mate Kashim Shettima is that none of them has ever lost any election they have entered into in their respective illustrious political careers, even when the two never held office at the same time. They have been progressive politicians all their life and, despite the differences in time when they both held offices of governors, cultural differences between their states and the nature of the challenges they faced, they shared in the manner they had individually developed their respective states amidst daunting challenges, as well as resource constraints that arose out of man made hiccups and competing demands.
It is still instructive to speak about the achievements of the two men, in relation to what Atiku Abubakar has achieved in terms of provision of infrastructure, mentorship of people who had remained critical to the evolution of tested class of leaders, bridge building capacity across the nation and being there for the people at times of their needs.
Tinubu has been able to build time-tested bridges across the country and the role he played in the emergence of Buhari and the APC in 2015 and the re-election in 2019 was a watershed in political calculations and winning strategy. Tinubu has played his part to the North. Whatever judgement is passed on the Buhari administration holds no water at all in how the capacity of Tinubu is judged. Buhari was prodded all the years back and will ultimately be judged collectively by most Nigerians who, rightly or wrongly believed in his capabilities and his records of service. His track records as a no nonsense, incorruptible and unsmiling general were brought to the fore as evident of his suitability for the job. Tinubu too, combined the cult-followership of Buhari in the North and the block voting pattern in the South West to wrestle power out of the hands of a People’s Democratic Party which has messed up big time and had placed the nation on the path of ruin.
The question is: is Tinubu capable? Does he have a capable running mate in Kashim Shettima? The capacity of Tinubu and Shettima, based on their track records were never in doubt at all. They provide the nation a window to get it right now.
And the North knew that it is indeed a pay back time. In any case, it is in the interest of the North to play by the rules of the game, that is to allow the South to take its own shot in 2023 because, for the country to maintain and sustain this integral unifying anchor, nothing should be done to interrupt this chain, not even for the North to become overtly insensitive to the threat to national integration which billowed out of that feeling of marginalization which nearly tore the fabrics of our survival as a nation with our kind of diversity.
Atiku Abubakar was reckless, dangerously insensitive and selfish. He contested and elbowed his way to the PDP presidential ticket against the grains of his party’s constitution which recognized the need to respect power shift between the North and the South every eight years. Because he had the financial war chest and is consumed by a dangerous and desperate personal ambition to become President, he bought his way through to the ticket.
The good thing about it is that the North will play its part to keep the flag of integration and inclusiveness flying by voting for the APC ticket. But we must recognize the fact that the North has two presidential candidates in Atiku and Kwankwaso and the reality is that the votes in the North win be skewed in that order. Tinubu, Atiku and Kwankwaso would each get their mouthfuls, with Tinubu chewing the chunk. I see Tinubu getting the upper hand even if what he fill his mouth with will not be big enough to say he will be home and dry. This is the juncture where the votes from the South West should come in, in torrents to separate the men from the boys. The South East is likely going Obi’s way, largely, and the South South will be the battle ground to consolidate on the constitutional demand for parity.
The Yorubas should vote like they have never done before. They
must come out in their numbers to vote and to become the swing states to sway victory to Tinubu’s side. The same role Kano, Borno and Katsina have played in producing the votes to shut the mouths of Atiku and his ilk and swayed victory Buhari way, will be the same critical role voters in the South West should play in 2023 to shut the mouths of the bigots who have arrayed against the nation and whose only desire is to corner power again, not because they have anything to offer, but because their marabouts have looked into a crystal ball and have thus given the office to them.
The Muslim/Muslim ticket brouhaha is just a smokescreen deployed by the slavetakers to steal their way to power to finish the anti-Nigeria agenda which they spent 16 years unfolding, but which Nigerians put a stop to in 2015.
Opinion
Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

By: Fabian Apechihin
Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.
In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.
“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.
She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.
“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.
Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.
On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.
Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).
However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.
“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”
Let me know if you’d like a more formal or more opinionated version.
Crime
The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

By: Fabian Apechihin
For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.
At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.
While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.
The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.
Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.
Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:
- Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
- Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
- Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
- Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
- Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
- Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.
Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.
According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.
Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.
The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.
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Opinion
The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

By: A G Abubakar
The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!
The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.
Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.
The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.
Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.
Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.
It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.
For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.
Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.
The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.
Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.
Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.
The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.
The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com
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