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Nigerian Army, where Reuters got it wrong

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_By Philip Agbese_

During the 2010 Jos riots and the subsequent months, international news wire service, Reuters, did a disservice to Nigeria that many people might not have noticed but which was nonetheless bad, horrible actually for a news outlet that is perpetually steeped in virtue signaling. At that time, Reuters was engaged in reporting the crisis in a manner that further pitched one side of the crisis against the others by constantly highlighting casualties on an ethno-sectarian basis, an approach that was intended to sustain a tit-for-tat killing spree as each side was engaged in constantly trying to avenge the casualty figures reported for its side by Reuters.

Being the resilient nation that it is, Nigeria weathered that storm and remained in existence despite this kind of psychological operation ((PSYOP), a war designed to undermine Nigeria and unravel the country for whatever benefit that global media operations like Reuters are after. Wikipedia described PSYOP as “operations to convey selected information and indicators to audiences to influence their emotions, motives, and objective reasoning, and ultimately the behavior of governments, organizations, groups, and individuals.”

It went on to explain that “PSYOP can encourage popular discontent with the opposition’s leadership and by combining persuasion with a credible threat, degrade an adversary’s ability to conduct or sustain military operations. They can also disrupt, confuse, and protract the adversary’s decision-making process, undermining command, and control. When properly employed, PSYOP have the potential to save the lives of friendly or enemy forces by reducing the adversary’s will to fight. By lowering the adversary’s morale and then its efficiency, PSYOP can also discourage aggressive actions by creating disaffection within their ranks, ultimately leading to surrender.”
Reuters’ latest so-called investigative report against Nigeria, “The Abortion Assault: Nigerian Military ran secret mass abortion programme in war against Boko Haram” is a dangerous deployment of PSYOP that must be condemned by all right thinking persons as an irresponsible attempt at manufacture of dissent, which refers to a cause that is so unpopular that it is solely driven by money, fake news media, or rogue intelligence agencies, which Reuters is proving to be.
The opening lines of the report, which is marketed to be an investigative piece, actually read like a fiction novel, more vested in holding the reader spell-bound than conveying vital information, which ought to have been the intention of a news outlet. The writers’ style belied their confusion as they struggled to make sense of whether they are running a first person narrative, or a third person reported account. What they succeeded in doing was to largely assume the omniscient tone, a see-all-know-all format that is favoured by fiction novelists, which totally dismissed the entire report as something that should only be found on the fantasy section of fiction novels.
According to a research and policy group, Humanitarian Outcomes, “As of the end of 2019 there were 74 identified organisations working in the northeast, including 6 UN agencies plus OCHA and IOM, 28 INGOs, and 33 Nigerian national and local NGOs.” These NGOs have at various times raised alarm about issues, often accusing the Federal Government especially the military of one thing or the other but not once has any of them raised the issue of 10,000 forced abortions. Even the UN representatives interviewed in the report denied knowledge of what Reuters is insinuating.
In Reuters’ own words, “This investigation is based on interviews with 33 women and girls who say they underwent abortions while in the custody of the Nigerian Army.” This presents an interesting scenario. It reported there were 10,000 forced abortions but it was only able to sample 33 women and girls. St. Olaf College recommended that “Generally speaking, the smaller the population, the larger the sampling ratio needed. For populations under 1,000, a minimum ratio of 30 percent (300 individuals) is advisable to ensure representativeness of the sample. For larger populations, such as a population of 10,000, a comparatively small minimum ratio of 10 percent (1,000) of individuals is required to ensure representativeness of the sample.” So how come Reuters conveniently disappeared 9,977 other “victims” of the atrocity it reported and never bothered to interview them? How did speaking with 33 alleged victims become 10,000 forced abortions?
It is interesting to note that the news outlet doubted its own report and acknowledged it is part of a damaging operation targeting Nigeria. For instance, it stated that “Reuters was unable to establish who created the abortion programme or determine who in the military or government ran it. Nigerian military leaders denied the programme has ever existed and said Reuters reporting was part of a foreign effort to undermine the country’s fight against the insurgents.”
Reuters also exposed how its reported 10,000 forced abortions was a concoction of figures provided by sources that were so unreliable that they could not be named. The report is so trashy that the International Criminal Court (ICC) Office of the Prosecutor declined to comment on Reuters’ findings. The entire report was replete with phrases and clauses that hinted at uncertainty about the allegations being made, which makes one wonder why that organization proceeded to publish the report under such circumstances.
A five page statement that Director of Defence Information, Major General Jimmy Akpor, issued has totally rubbished the Reuters report for the hogwash that it is so there is no point rehashing the strong points that the military has raised about the sanctity of life and the military’s adherence to rules of engagement that ensure that even hardened terrorists are treated humanely when captured to talk less of their victims.
The tragic facing part, however, is that Reuters may succeed in its intention for publishing the report unless the Nigerian military and the Federal Government chose to be deliberately strategic and robust in their response to the propaganda attack. A critical factor to achieving this is to properly contextualize Reuters’ attack, identify its collaborators and anticipate the next moves in the PSYOP that has been revived against Nigeria. In terms of contextualizing the environment around the report, it is important to note how the publication was hastily pushed out at a time when there has been successive killing or capture of terrorists – Boko Haram/ISWAP and bandits; focusing on the publication could create distractions that would interfere with the progress of the counter-terrorism efforts.
It should equally be noted that Reuters, a news platform that ought to be neutral, openly participating in the propaganda war against Nigeria signals a desperation on the part of those that have been propping up the terrorists with propaganda support. In the past they have used groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch without the kind of defining success they have in mind.
The Nigerian Army (and the Federal Government) should attenuate Reuters’ attempt to bring it into disrepute and promote terrorist propaganda against the Nigerian State. This should be done by outlining and highlighting the successes that have been recorded in dismantling the foreign-backed terror infrastructure that they want to gain root in Nigeria. The government should promote its rehabilitation and reintegration programmed for victims and repentant terrorists because these are the kind of success stories that make those running evil entities like Reuters to bristle and froth at the mouth. There is a whole lot of good things that the Nigerian Army is making to happen and that should be the focus and not wasting efforts on Reuters’ irresponsibility.

And for the records, Reuters got it wrong when it surmised that the pack of conjectures, half-truths, fictions, and the lies in its report would be swallowed by all and sundry hook, line, and sinker. Reuters got it wrong when it thought it could easily pick up with doing damage in Nigeria from where it left off in the 2010 Jos Crisis. The dynamics have changed in a manner that have left the Reuters goons behind. Its propaganda efforts will fail worse than those of its collaborators that had attempted to undermine Nigeria in the past.

Agbese is a UK trained human rights expert writing from Abuja.

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ICPC’s War Against Corruption: How Musa Aliyu Is Reclaiming Nigeria’s Stolen Wealth

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Barely a week ago, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission once again proved that Nigeria’s anti-graft war is far from a toothless bulldog. Chairman Dr Musa Adamu Aliyu, SAN, disclosed to State House correspondents in Abuja that his commission had unearthed yet another fake government agency, this time operating brazenly within the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation. The phantom outfit, calling itself the National Brands Development and Made in Nigeria Special Project Office, had somehow managed to secure office accommodation, gain access to public servants, open bank accounts and even wriggle its way into the 2026 national budget, all without any legitimate presidential authorisation.
The discovery was not accidental. It emerged from the ICPC’s dogged investigation into the earlier scandal involving the fake Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, an outfit promoted by one Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew that had similarly infiltrated government structures before Aliyu’s team blew the lid off it. Following his Friday briefing to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the President ordered the immediate arrest of George Buchi Nwabueze, identified as the man behind the new fake agency, and directed the suspension of three permanent secretaries in the OSGF: M.S. Danjuma, Nandungu Gagare and Richard Pheelangwah, over the circumstances that allowed the fraudulent office to thrive under their watch. Investigators further found that the outfit had built an elaborate structure complete with an executive director, zonal directors, state coordinators and even foreign representatives, a level of sophistication that speaks to how deeply corruption can burrow into government machinery when vigilance slips.
The ICPC did not stop at exposing the fraud. It went further to indict the Budget Office of the Federation for negligence, establishing that officials had processed and onboarded the phantom council into the 2026 Appropriation Act despite glaring gaps in its documentation, relying instead on informal engagements and unverified scanned approvals rather than due diligence. It was a sobering reminder that corruption does not always announce itself with the theft of physical cash; sometimes it hides in the quiet failures of institutional process, waiting for a vigilant commission to catch what ordinary oversight missed.
This latest exposure is only the newest chapter in what has been a remarkably consistent record for Aliyu since he took the reins as the Commission’s fifth substantive chairman. In his first year alone, he reported cash recoveries of nearly ₦30 billion domiciled in ICPC recovery accounts, alongside almost ₦11 billion recovered as Value Added Tax and remitted to the Federal Inland Revenue Service, and ₦10 billion clawed back from the COVID-19 vaccine fund and returned to the treasury. Forfeited assets in that period alone were valued at ₦2.5 billion plus close to a million dollars in foreign currency.
The momentum has not slackened. By 2024, the Commission had recovered more than ₦20 billion in cash and properties from corrupt individuals. The following year proved even more fruitful: 2025 closed with the ICPC announcing recoveries of ₦37.44 billion and over $2.35 million through asset seizures and forfeitures, one of its most significant annual hauls since the Commission’s founding. That year also saw the agency investigate 263 cases against a target of 250, file 61 cases in court, and secure a conviction rate of 55.74 percent, including the notable jailing of a University of Calabar professor for abuse of office.
Beyond the courtroom victories and cash recoveries, Aliyu has placed heavy emphasis on tracking public infrastructure spending through the Commission’s Constituency and Executive Projects Tracking Initiative. As of the middle of this year, that initiative had tracked over four thousand five hundred public projects worth more than ₦22.5 trillion nationwide between 2023 and June 2026, recovering stalled projects valued at over ₦507 billion and generating an estimated ₦385.6 billion in savings for government coffers. Separately, the Commission has pointed to recoveries exceeding ₦130 billion drawn from public projects worth more than ₦35 trillion, alongside court-ordered forfeitures including properties worth over ₦5 billion tied to the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria and nearly ₦942 million recovered from a 2024 payroll fraud scheme.
Taken together, the figures tell a story of an anti-corruption agency that, under Aliyu’s watch, has shifted from mere rhetoric to measurable results, running into hundreds of billions of naira reclaimed, saved or redirected back into the Nigerian treasury. Yet the chairman himself has been candid that the fight is far from over. He has repeatedly appealed to the National Assembly for improved funding, warning that inadequate resources continue to hamper the Commission’s manpower, logistics and operational capacity, even as staff morale suffers under the weight of high-risk investigative work. He has also pushed back firmly against suggestions that the Commission is being weaponised for political witch-hunting, insisting that its work is driven strictly by evidence and due process rather than political considerations.
If the recent unmasking of yet another ghost agency within the corridors of government is any indication, Nigerians can expect the ICPC under Musa Aliyu to keep peeling back the layers of institutional rot, one budget line, one phantom office, and one recovered billion at a time.

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Zulum @57: Tribute to a Trailblazing Teacher.

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By: Inuwa Bwala.
I have read a lot of tributes to Borno state Governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum on his 57th birthday anniversary.
In most, Nigerians celebrate many things about Professor Babagana Umara Zulum.
To many, his unique leadership style, to others, his developmental strides and yet to others his many ventures into danger zones, the rebuilding of schools, his sleepless nights on duty and many other things.
I want to celebrate something quieter, and maybe more rare: seeing him as the teacher that he is, using
Borno as a big lecture hall, in which he deploys his teaching technique.
I dare say that, Governor Zulum goes to schools unannounced, not for photo shots, but to check attendance, to ask pupils questions, to see if the teacher is teaching. That is a lecturer’s habit.
He commissions hospitals and ask about drug inventory and rosters. That is a supervisor’s habit.
He stands in the rain with displaced families, not to make a speech, but to take notes. That is a researcher’s habit.
Most politicians campaign on promises, but he he is not seeking any position and does not need to campaign. He does things out of passion for true development.
At 57, Zulum reminds me that leadership is not about sitting in the office of power. It’s about sitting on the floor with students, under a tree with farmers, and in the dust with people who have lost everything, and then going back to “prepare the next lesson plan” for Borno redemption.
People often say a leader must choose between the office and the field, the book and the gun, and between the seminar and the street. Governor Zulum seems to have broken that rule by chosing both. And ir is working for Borno.
For me, today, I do not just celebrate a governor turning 57, I celebrate a teacher who took his entire state as his assignment, and refused to submit it half-done.
As the only Governor in Nigeria, who foes not aspire for any other political office after this, he may be retiring into a future only God know about, but one must not fail to state, that, Governor Zulum’s strength lies, not in the paraphenilia of governance but in the dedication of a leader who work, teach to graduate Borno into peace, dignity, and pride.
Happy 57th Birthday, Proffessor Babagana Umara Zulum.

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Stakeholders, Staff Benefit from NDPHC’s Procurement Training Initiative

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The Niger Delta Power Holding Company (NDPHC) has reaffirmed its commitment to transparency, accountability, and efficiency in project delivery by hosting a high-level refresher and sensitization training for its management team, staff, and stakeholders.Organized by the Human Resources Department at the company’s headquarters, the programme was designed to strengthen institutional capacity, refresh knowledge, and promote greater effectiveness in the discharge of responsibilities.The training was anchored on the theme “Operationalizing by Way of Experimenting the Procurement Processes While Navigating the Pre-Bidding Stage Through to Post Bidding”, and facilitated by DEVD Integrated Project Ltd. Discussions focused on procurement processes, emphasizing due process, compliance, and optimization in power sector project execution.Participants were guided through the critical stages of procurement, from pre-bidding to post-bidding, with facilitators stressing the importance of adherence to established procedures. The session also provided a platform for robust engagement on stakeholder collaboration, highlighting how effective partnerships can drive efficiency and accountability in project delivery.The initiative enjoyed strong backing from the NDPHC Executive Management (EXCO), led by Engr. Jennifer Adighije, FNSE, FINEEE, Managing Director/CEO. She was joined by her team: Engr. Bello Babayo Bello, FNSE, FINEEE, Executive Director (Networks); Engr. Abdullahi Kassim, Executive Director (Generation); Hon. Dr. Steven Andzenge, Executive Director (Legal Services); Hon. Chukwuma Umeoji, Executive Director (Corporate Services); Hon. Omololu Agoro, Executive Director (Finance & Accounts); and Hon. Patrick Obahiagbon, Executive Director (Strategy and Commercial). Their collective presence underscored the importance of the training to the company’s strategic vision and operational goals.Facilitators encouraged participants to apply the knowledge gained to improve operational efficiency and foster stronger collaboration across departments and with external stakeholders. They noted that the lessons learned would help strengthen the company’s institutional framework and ensure that projects are delivered in line with global best practices.The event brought together management staff and other relevant stakeholders, creating an opportunity to exchange ideas and refresh their understanding of procurement processes. It also reinforced NDPHC’s commitment to professional development, transparency, and accountability in its operations.By investing in capacity-building programmes such as this, NDPHC continues to demonstrate its resolve to enhance professional standards and institutional effectiveness. The company emphasized that the training reflects its broader vision of building a stronger, more accountable institution capable of delivering sustainable power solutions to Nigeria.The sensitization exercise forms part of NDPHC’s ongoing efforts to ensure that its workforce remains equipped with the skills and knowledge required to meet the demands of the power sector. It underscores the company’s belief that continuous learning and adherence to due process are essential for achieving its corporate objectives and delivering value to stakeholders.

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