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The Resurging Insurgency In Parts Of The North East And Some Of The Challenges: A View Point
By: A G Abubakar
The insurgency in the northeast of the country is estimated to have consumed the lives of more than thirty thousand individuals and displaced millions from their homes since it’s outbreak in 2009. In addition, about a 100 Chibok girls abducted in 2014 are still being held in captivity, with many put in the family way (Amnesty International, 2024).The 109 Dapchi school girls abducted in 2018 were luckier. They got released after a deal with the government, except Ms. Leah Sharibu and one other. Chibok and Dapchi are settlements in Borno and Yobe States, respectively.
The group’s strength, thought to be degraded, seems to have suddenly gotten resuscitated. The execution of more than fifty innocent people, combined, in parts of Kukawa, Baga, Gwoza, Chibok, Damboa local government areas of Borno state is a chilling reminder of the worst of the heyday of the Boko Haram (Jama’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihad) insurgency in the Lake Chad region of Nigeria, and indeed, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger republics. It creates a feeling of dejavu.
The new development is a grim reality that the insurgency is still alive and potent after more than one and a half decades, this time under its more organised progeny, the Islamic State in the West Africa Province (ISWAP). The two mutually antagonist entities (ISWAP/Boko Haram) seemed to have renewed their carnage by mounting ceaseless attacks on settlements in Kirawa, Pulka, and even Gwoza township. Also, not spared, were Southern Borno villages of Bamzir, Njilang, Sabon Gari, Shikarkir, Kauji, Whuntaku, Mbalala, Pemi, Wajirko, and many more, in Chibok, and Damboa LGAs, where residents and places of worship were raised down. Even the military was not spared as over half a dozen paid the supreme price during their recent encounters with the insurgents.
Before then, and in the early part of last year, the insurgents murdered about 170 innocent people in Mafa and Sasa rural areas of Yobe State. This was aside the incessant abductions the group (s) carried out along the Damaturu-Buratai-Biu link; a highway of nightmare!
The upsurge in violent activities in Borno State, the birthplace and epicentre of Boko Haram, is coming after years of lull. A lull that made the then Chief of Army Staff, to declare that the insurgency has been “technically defeated.” The optimism, however, now seems to be premature and misplaced. Maybe the short interregnum of peace may not be entirely on account of the military campaigns but rather due to the internal wrangling that ensured between the main Boko Haram and its offshoot, ISWAP.
The latter was led by Abu Musab al’Barnawi, the son of the late founder of the Boko Haram movement, Muhammad Yusuf.
The former was headed by Abubakar Shekau, Yusuf’s ally, and second in command. Shekau was believed to have been killed, or rather, he killed himself during a factional conflict between his group (Boko Haram) and that of Abu Musab’s ISWAP in 2021. Since then, both groups have had a high turnover of leadership. ISWAP is currently thought to be led by either Abu Ubaidah Bako (Bako Gorgore) or Abu Ibrahim, while Boko Haram has allegedly been under one Bakura Doro
Casually, the schism between the two may seem local, but the problem really has something to do with the differences among global jihadist players. Boko Haram and ISWAP just got sucked into the orbit of the Alqa’eda and Islamic State idealogies of Osama Bin Laden and Abubakar Al’baghdadi, both of whom were killed by the US counter insurgency forces. For direction , Boko Haram initially looked up to the ISIL (Islamic Statein Iraq and Lavent), the forerunner of ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) and later Islamic State (IS). The group allegedly switched camps to al’ qaeda, while ISWAP maintains its allegiance to Islamic State (IS). Thus, it has since remained a credible franchise of the IS in West Africa, popularly known as Islamic State in West Africa (ISWAP).
With the two sharing the same cradle, it became apparent that one has to give way. For years, therefore, the two factions have been locked in a war of attrition. A supremacy battle that eventually consumed Shekau (the Boko Haram faction) in 2021. A development which paved the way for ISWAP to gain upper hand in establishing its dominance in the Lake Chad Basin region covering Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon with its Command and Control Center on the border between Nigeria and Chad. It pushed the remnants of Boko Haram to the fringes of Yobe and Borno States, who still carry out sporadic attacks on soft targets.
ISWAP tried to prove its “military” capability and fire power last year by attacking a Chadian garrison on its Nigerian border where over 40 soldiers were killed. They have since stepped up these attacks in parts of Northern and Southern Borno. This time, in a more coordinated and professional fashion, taking on both the military and hapless civilians alike in a killing spree. According to the Institute for Economics and Peace’s Global Terrorism Index, last year, the ISWAP “perpetrated three of the 20 deadliest terrorist attacks worldwide,” last year.
The insurgents have equally increased their activities in other parts of Borno, and Yobe such as Geidam, Dapchi, Gorgore, Talala, Buni-Yadi etc with a high potential for a spillover into contiguous states of Adamawa, Gombe and Bauchi. As it were, the Sambisa Forest, which serves as a safe haven for the insurgents/terrorists, stretching across some of these states right from the Chad basin region. The forest provides a corridor from Borno, through Yobe, to Gombe before linking the Yankari Game Reserve in Bauchi State.
It’s a highway patronised by negative characters, including armed bandits/herdsmen and illegal arms trafficking that originates from Libya, through the ungoverned spaces in the Sahara and down to the vast unmanned boarder towns of Malamfatori, Abadam and Damasak. Yet, others are trafficked along the Bama-Kawuri-Konduga, “forest belt” that cascade from Waza Game Reserve in Cameroon to the same Sambisa. Poor road networks in affected areas serve as added advantage to insurgency activities.
The ISWAP’s new campaign was to cut Southern Borno from the North. Ditto with Yobe. So far, the insurgents have succeeded in cutting off Biu to Maiduguri road via Damboa. They have been threatening the Gwoza-Maiduguri highway with reasonable success. The Damaturu-Biu, road connecting Southern Yobe and Borno, have remained under constant threats. The high profile abductions along the highway, which included a Chief Judge and a retired engineer, attest to this.
The remnants of the Boko Haram have been busy bringing down public infrastructure like power lines (towers), healthcare centres, and schools in rural Borno and Yobe states. Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, has not been with a constant national grid power source for some years. A special arrangement had to be put in place to energise the city at a huge cost, and which may prove unsustainable in the future. All because ISWAP/BH have found a subtle way of “punishing” the people collectively for not subscribing to their jihadist-ideology and so rising against the government.
The need for a change of approach from containment to dislogement can not be overstated. The military should go on the full offensive. ISWAP/BK operations are no longer clandestine. They move in an open and military fashion. The issue of waiting for “cooperation,” “credible information,” and “actionable intelligence” may no longer be convincing. They are there for all to see! They are bold, daring, and visible.
The military campaigns should include opening up the insurgency enclaves in Borno, especially its cells in Gwoza, Chibok, Damboa, and Katarko (Gujba), in Yobe This could be done by opening the Maiduguri-Damboa-Biu highway that traversed the entire Southern region of the state. The illegal supply routes in Northern parts of Borno and Yobe should be cut off too, to deny the insurgents free access to arms and ammunition. A motorable infrastructure put around the affected areas can go a long way in this regard. After all, experts believe that communication, mobility, troops morale, firepower, infrastructure (roads), etc, are critical success factors (CSFs) in war; conventional or guerrilla.
Keeping the highway open shall deny the insurgents the needed incubation centres. The feeling of invincibility they now have will also evaporate. Leaving the zone for them is sending the wrong message of helplessness on the part of the national government. Imagine, if during the heyday of Boko Haram, the group had succeeded in cutting Borno/Yobe from the westward link with Kano,the nation would have been left with a “Caliphate” next door. Keeping the Maiduguri-Kano road at all costs saved the grim possibility.
ISWAP, currently runs a well structured administrative system in the Lake Chad basin made up of an Executive Council called “Shura” that oversight affairs across five or so governerates/states. one operates a legal system with a Chief Justice that runs on Shari’a and also a financial setup that includes taxation over more than a million people living under its spheres of influence. For defence, ISWAP has an armoury stocked by procured and captured weapons/equipment. This is in addition to a drone (though primitive) technology centre and a cadet training “school” for preparing future fighters that translates as Khalifa Cadet School. It is patterned along Islamic State’s Cubs of the Caliphate.
Taking the war to ISWAP/Boko Haram doorsteps appears now the much needed alternative. Nigeria can borrow a leaf from the experiences of Colombia with FARC , Sri Lanka with the Tamil Tigers, Philippines with Abu Sayyaf Group, and Indonesia in addressing the Jemaa Islam JI, movements. The longer ISWAP/Boko Haram lingers, the more malignant the movement becomes. Already it is believed that ISWAP has a latent but fast crystalising presence in parts Kwara, Oyo and Osun and Niger states. Nigeria has the capacity to rein in them. It’s a question of willpower and taming corruption.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com
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STATEMENT ISSUED BY PROGRESSIVES ALLIANCE FOR JUSTICE, UNITY AND DEMOCRACY (PAJUD)
THE FALLACIES OF MIKE IGINI
“It is mean and cowardly and an evidence of weakness and utter demerit, for any group of people to attempt to commend themselves to the public by the negative process of belittling and condemning others.”_
- Chief Obafemi Awolowo, 28th April, 1951.
The attention of the Progressives Alliance for Justice, Unity and Democracy (PAJUD) has been drawn to the barrage of insults heaped by Mike Igini, former Resident Electoral Commissioner of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), against every perceived and imaginary obstacle to his personal agenda.
We posit that since the return of democracy in 1999, the Nigerian political and electoral firmament has been overdosed with different genres of characters – the good, the bad and the ugly.
We state categorically and without fear of contradiction that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is NOT responsible for the non-appointment of Mike Igini as either Chairman of INEC or National Commissioner since he left office in disgrace and engulfed in controversies in the South-South.
Igini must understand that such appointments are not done willy-nilly. They are based on several criteria. He has served two full terms as Resident Electoral Commissioner. For him to be nominated as National Commissioner, a vacancy must exist for his state. This is apart from the principle of rotation of the position among states in the geo-political zone.
Those who know President Bola Ahmed Tinubu closely know he is a leader who does not deliberately shut the door against competence and capacity. Anyone holding him in contempt on this matter is either being mischievous or acting out the script of the opposition, just like the present issue at stake.
It is unfortunate that Igini has allowed himself to be taken advantage of, dancing to the rhythm of anti-Tinubu and anti-Amupitan rogue agents.
We find it compelling to state unequivocally that Igini is blatantly scheming to discredit the present government and the Amupitan-led leadership of INEC in anticipation of reward by opposition elements and spent forces, if they ever win in the post-2027 general elections.
Over the years, we have watched the transformation of Igini from lawyer, to public affairs commentator, to agitator, until the PDP government appointed him Resident Electoral Commissioner.
We are amused at Igini’s feeble attempts at returning to public reckoning, using barefaced criticism, outright lies, mischief and fallacies against the Renewed Hope and reformative agenda as a springboard to relevance and prominence.
For an egocentric, self-seeking bigot and Mr. Know-All like Igini, he wants to remain relevant as a bride for any juicy INEC Election Management Committee headship or membership, which we know will never happen in this dispensation as a result of his antecedents while in office – an era marred by allegations of partisanship, disloyalty and endless controversies.
Your tenure as REC in Cross River State was characterised by mudslinging between you and a political party over unethical conduct unbecoming of an electoral officer. Similarly, your flexing of muscles and one-sided narratives during your tenure as REC of Akwa Ibom State is still very fresh in our memory. Till date, you are still spewing negative narratives against one of the politicians you fought in that state to high heavens.
Nigerians from all strata continue to wonder where the monies for the live telecast of Igini’s exit as Resident Electoral Commissioner of Akwa Ibom State originated from. In the history of INEC – from Dr. Ephraim Akpata, Alhaji Shehu Musa, Dr. Abel Guobadia, the much-vilified Prof. Maurice Iwu, Prof. Attahiru Jega reputed to be Igini’s benefactor, to Prof. Mahmood Yakubu – none of them had the temerity for such lavish display and grandeur during their exit. What was witnessed in the last days of Igini as REC in Akwa Ibom evokes serious questions about collective decency, decorum, moral rectitude and values.
Any argument in support of such an extravagant exit lacks integrity, for the simple reason that the pay slip of INEC Resident Electoral Commissioners and even National Commissioners is not a hidden document. It is known to the Nigerian public.
We believe that if we are sincere in this country, Igini should focus on more important non-partisan issues than chasing shadows. Igini should also address his own record, including the troubling episode of a Kenyan national engaged by INEC as a consultant some years ago, where the voter register fingerprints of Nigerians were allegedly compromised and handed to foreign interests. That despicable act is still fresh in our memory.
As overwhelming majority of Nigerians with voting rights are aware, there is an uncanny lust for power by desperate opposition politicians lurking on the horizon. They are deploying everything on earth just to grab power in 2027, and for no just cause but simply for selfish personal aggrandizement. They have recruited former staff, Directors, Resident Electoral Commissioners and National Commissioners to help execute their warped agenda and barefaced propaganda to deceive gullible Nigerians who will swallow every hook, line and sinker narrative framed by them.
We unreservedly agree with many who have suggested that as a believer in God, Igini should not allow his mind to be poisoned by the notion that any power outside the influence of God could have been responsible for the failure of his emergence as either National Commissioner or Chairman of the Commission.
Whatever it is, there seems to be more to it than meets the eye. The process of creating anarchy starts with incitement against the government, the electoral empire and security agencies. It often appears so smooth as to be imperceptible, hence those who engineer it enjoy the process at the initial stage, only to be consumed at the end of the day.
Elements in the class of Igini, who are acting out the script of falsehood purveyors and peddlers, will be put to shame at the end of the day. There is no doubt that Nigerians are going to have a well-deserved, credible, transparent, free and fair election in the 2027 general elections.
Above all, nobody can dispute the fact that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu nominated people with impeccable ability, capacity, loyalty, patriotism and honesty as members of the election management structure that will drive our democracy forward, in a manner that both Nigerians and the international community will be proud of like never before in our annals.
The focus of the Tinubu administration remains its much stronger determination to protect and respect the sanctity and fidelity of the ballot during the forthcoming elections.
We implore Mike Igini to stop the rabble-rousing, negative framing, mischief, mudslinging and casting of aspersions against the electoral umpire and Mr. President, and find something reasonable to do to earn a living just like other Nigerians, instead of going from one radio station to television stations across the country. His antics are already known to Nigerians who are far more sophisticated and politically savvy than before.
A word is enough for the wise… “WHEN YOU CONDEMN PEOPLE, YOU BRING JUDGEMENT ON YOURSELF.”
Signed:Comrade Yakubu Dan Abba
Country Representative, PAJUD.
News
PAJUD Accuses Mike Igini of Political Grandstanding, Defends Tinubu, Amupitan
The Progressives Alliance for Justice, Unity and Democracy (PAJUD) has accused former Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Resident Electoral Commissioner, Mike Igini, of attempting to discredit President Bola Tinubu’s administration and the leadership of the electoral body, describing his criticisms as politically motivated.
The group, in a statement signed by its Country Representative, Comrade Yakubu Dan Abba, alleged that Igini was seeking to regain public relevance through persistent criticism of the government and the leadership of INEC under its current chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan.
PAJUD, however, did not provide independent evidence to substantiate its allegations about Igini’s motives.
The group maintained that Tinubu was not responsible for Igini’s non-appointment as INEC chairman or national commissioner after completing his tenure as a Resident Electoral Commissioner, arguing that such appointments were subject to established criteria, vacancies and rotation arrangements among states within geopolitical zones.
“Those who know President Bola Ahmed Tinubu closely know he is a leader who does not deliberately shut the door against competence and capacity,” the statement said.
The group further alleged that Igini’s criticisms were intended to undermine the current administration and INEC’s leadership in anticipation of political rewards from opposition elements following the 2027 general elections.
PAJUD also questioned Igini’s record during his service as Resident Electoral Commissioner in Cross River and Akwa Ibom states, citing past disagreements with political actors and what it described as controversies surrounding his conduct in office.
It also raised questions about the cost and circumstances of the live television broadcast of Igini’s exit from office in Akwa Ibom State, comparing the event with the departures of previous INEC chairmen and other senior electoral officials.
The group did not provide documentary evidence to establish wrongdoing in connection with the broadcast.
In another allegation, PAJUD called on Igini to address what it described as concerns surrounding the engagement of a Kenyan national as an INEC consultant and the alleged compromise of Nigerian voters’ fingerprint data. The statement, however, did not present evidence establishing that Igini was personally responsible for any compromise of the data.
The alliance accused opposition politicians of attempting to discredit the electoral system ahead of the 2027 elections, alleging that some former electoral officials were being used to advance political interests. It did not identify the individuals allegedly involved or provide evidence supporting the claim.
PAJUD, meanwhile, expressed confidence in the ability of the current INEC leadership to conduct credible, transparent, free and fair elections in 2027.
It said the Tinubu administration remained committed to protecting the integrity of the ballot, adding that the president had nominated individuals it described as capable, patriotic and committed to the country’s democratic development.
The group urged Igini to refrain from what it characterised as inflammatory criticism of the president and the electoral commission, insisting that public discourse on electoral reform should be guided by responsibility and respect for democratic institutions.
Quoting former Premier of the Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the alliance recalled his statement of April 28, 1951, that it was “mean and cowardly” for any group to seek public approval by belittling and condemning others.
PAJUD concluded by urging Nigerians to remain confident in the electoral process ahead of the 2027 general elections, while reiterating its support for the Tinubu administration and the current leadership of INEC.
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FJF Backs NSCDC Probe into Niger Miners’ Deaths, Cautions Diaspora Group Against Protest
The Freelance Journalist Federation (FJF) has expressed confidence in the committee investigating the reported deaths of 37 miners in Niger State, urging the public to allow the panel to conclude its assignment without undue pressure.
The federation’s position followed threats by the Nigeria Diaspora Organizations and Community for Human Rights (NDOCHR) to stage a protest at the headquarters of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in Abuja over alleged delays in releasing the investigation’s findings.
FJF in a statement issued on Friday and jointly signed by FJF conveners Ibrahim Ali, Jonathan Modi, Okpara Isaac and Christopher Abah, described the investigative process as transparent and thorough, insisting that sufficient time should be allowed for the committee to complete its work and establish the facts surrounding the incident.
The federation criticised the proposed demonstration, describing it as unnecessary and politically motivated, while warning against actions that could heighten tensions over an issue involving the loss of human lives.
It also commended the leadership of the NSCDC, the Minister of Interior and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for what it described as their commitment to transparency, accountability and the rule of law.
According to the FJF, local civil society organisations monitoring the proceedings have expressed satisfaction with the panel’s conduct. However, the federation maintained that the investigation should be allowed to run its course before conclusions are drawn.
The group also rejected calls by the diaspora organisation for the immediate removal and prosecution of the NSCDC Commandant-General, Dr Ahmed Abubakar Audi, describing the demands as premature and inconsistent with the principle of fair hearing.
It argued that calls for sanctions before the conclusion of the investigation could undermine due process and prejudice public perception of the committee’s work.
The NDOCHR had also threatened to petition the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague over the matter. In response, the FJF maintained that Nigeria’s domestic legal and investigative institutions should be allowed to address the allegations through established procedures.
The federation urged Nigerians in the diaspora to exercise restraint and avoid actions that could inflame political tensions or interfere with the ongoing investigation.
It urged members of the public to remain calm and await the committee’s official findings, stressing that a thorough investigation was necessary to establish the circumstances surrounding the reported deaths and determine any responsibility arising from the incident.
The committee’s final findings and any subsequent official actions are expected to be central to resolving the concerns surrounding the incident.
The statement further called on the Inspector-General of Police and other security agencies to take appropriate steps to maintain public order in the Federal Capital Territory.
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