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Electoral Amendment Bill 2018: Two for the Price of One

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By David Onmeje

But for President Muhammadu Buhari’s foresight Nigeria would have scored a world record in addition to whatever other unpalatable records we already hold as the land of the absurd. Nigeria was on the verge of conducting its next general elections with a set of two laws: the Electoral (Amendment) Bill 2018 and the 2015 Electoral Act.
Activities from pre-electioneering period through the lifting of ban on politics till date were conducted under the 2015 Electoral Act. Had the amended bill been assented to, the other activities from the moment of assent would have then been conducted under the newly signed legislation. The confusion that will arise from this is better appreciated with the realization that judicial interpretation of the extant law is already a tall order so deciding which of the two documents is applicable would be a taller order.

President Buhari’s request that the Electoral (Amendment) Bill 2018 should come into force only after the 2019 polls is therefore logical. The nation still gets to enjoy the benefit of the changes made without the headaches that would arise from making its application commence from an impractical time. But this and other clarifications by the president on why he declined assent to the bill are not striking the right chord with everyone as some people are of the opinion that the legislation should have proceeded to be used for the elections.

This would be doing a great disservice to the nation. Even if the application of the legislation were partitioned to cater to the identified timelines, the ambiguities that President Buhari identified in several sections of the bill would still haunt the votes. Those that will win and lose at the polls will be pressed to spend the period between the 2019 elections and the next polls in the court seeking interpretations to the contentious sections.
As logical as these observations are, they had not appealed to those that are bent on being critical of Mr. President’s decision. They have come up with one condemnation after the other in what is increasingly becoming apparent as a coordinated response from clique that had wanted him to make the mistake of assenting to the bill. They would have latched onto this mistake to demand for his impeachment, which would be reasonable because the shortcomings he has identified are grievous enough to warrant such.
In the hail of criticism against the President, the real culprits behind this fiasco are getting away with not even a slap on the wrist. The national lawmakers that came up with a document that inconsiderate should be answering to their constituents, to Nigerians – but this is not happening. Of course, the more they make the president the whipping boy the lesser the chance that Nigerians will recall their own wrongdoings in the entire affair.
Had the lawmakers focused on their primary assignment of oversight and law-making they would have made these amendments one clear year before the start of elections. If the refusal to assent to the bill had taken place within such timeframe there would have then been sufficient wiggle room to make changes as many times as necessary. Instead, the Senators and their counterparts in the House of Representatives wasted valuable time grandstanding to Nigerians over cross carpeting, decamping and other irrelevancies that added no value to governance.
Even as things stand, they are too selfish to take a break from their campaign trails for re-election to return to their chambers are expediently address the contentious areas that the president highlighted in his communication returning the bill to the National Assembly. They would rather carry on with their campaign instead of being selfless in immediately addressing the changes that would enable the bill to be signed into law. Even though the resulting law cannot be used for the 2019 elections as already stated, subsequent elections would at least have the legislation in place with the guarantee that this kind of drama from lawmakers would not bedevil the nation again.
For the now, we are stuck with the 2015 Electoral Act, with whatever strengths or imperfections that it may entail. Interestingly, the current crop of elected office holders are a product of this legislation so the lawmakers are in no position to rubbish it as doing so will qualify them as persons that enjoyed the privileges of office derived from a flawed electoral law, which would further suggest that the amendment they had carried out was done by people that should not be in office in the first place. But this is certainly not the case.
They must therefore give up the obsession with the Electoral (Amendment) Bill 2018, including making the mistake of overriding the President by way of a veto. First, neither of the houses can marshal the quorum needed to make this happen since each lawmaker would rather persist in their mission of seeking re-election. Secondly, there is simply not time left to activate the process by which to override the President, they left the passage of the bill for too late and knowing their capacity for bungling even the straightest forward of national assignments.
The reality we must all confront at this point is that the Electoral (Amendment) Bill 2018 has turned out to be a casualty of bad timing. Signing it would have amounted to using two laws for the same elections. If it were a supermarket having a sales promo of “buy one get one free” or “two for the price of one” it would have been a great deal that should be snapped up without hesitation. But this is about the safety of our democracy where two for the price of one is a guaranteed recipe for disaster and must be avoided like a plague.
On this one, President Buhari got it right and the lawmakers with his other critics are on the wrong side of the equation, history. They should be decent enough to let go of their obsession and hurt for the country to progress with the 2019 elections and sustain our democracy.

Onmeje is an advocate of common sense and writes from London, United Kingdom.

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Opinion

Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

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By: Fabian Apechihin

Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.

In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.

“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.

She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.

“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.

Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.

On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).

However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.

“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”


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Crime

The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

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By: Fabian Apechihin


For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.

At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.

While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.

The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.

Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.

Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:

  1. Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
  2. Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
  3. Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
  4. Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
  5. Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
  6. Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.

Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.

According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.

Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.

The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.


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Opinion

The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

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By: A G Abubakar

The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!

The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.

Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.

The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.

Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.

Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.

It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.

For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.

Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.

The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.

Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.

Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.

The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.

The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

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