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OPINION LESSON NOTES FOR GOV SOLUDO

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BY Victoria N. Ikeano victoriangozii@gmail.com 08033077519
Re-elected incumbent Anambra state governor, Professor Charles Chukwuma, APGA’s flag bearer, may rightly blow his trumpet about the firsts he and his party recorded in this election. Nevertheless, he should not be blind nor be deaf to the murmurings against his government. In my article on the then approaching poll, I concluded, “Soludo is miles ahead of his closest rival, Ukachukwu of the APC”. True to my projection the governor won with wide margins –422,664 votes to Ukachukwu’s 99,445. He won in all 21 local government councils. What is more, he was victorious in all wards, except six which is over 900 per cent success. Here are more historic statistics, Soludo won with a whopping 71 per cent of the votes cast. The highest for any previous re-elected governor of the state was 31 per cent. Last time in 2021, Soludo coasted to victory with a little over 100,000 votes.
 
Voter apathy had always characterised elections in Anambra and South east generally. Many people acquire a Voter’s  card essentially for identification purposes rather than for voting; especially as a form of identification is required to open a bank account, buy a SIM card for communication with loved ones, friends and associates or to get a lost, damaged SIM replacement, etc. And the attraction is that getting a Voter’s card is absolutely free in comparison to other means of identification like Driver’s licence, international passport and NIN that require some amount of money to get. In 2021 the turnout was just about 10 per cent of registered voters; this time around it rose to 21 percent, the largest so far, though more still has to be done in this regard.  This increase is not surprising given APGA’s massive campaigns that penetrated virtually all nooks and crannies of Anambra state.  The party deployed all four arms of governance for this, viz, the executive (all appointees of the governor), legislature (members of the state House of Assembly), local government councils (local government chairmen), community leaders (president-generals of communities in the state). Such grassroots penetration has led to the slogan ‘Anambra is APGA, APGA is Anambra’.
 
    As I stated in the opening paragraph, Soludo should not ignore the misgivings against his government despite the high votes. As a matter of fact the single most important factor that worked in his favour is that there were no viable opponents among all those that contested against him. Still, the fact that APC though a distant second, garnered  nearly 100,000 votes in this election (given the general disdain for APC here) is a pointer to what might have been if the opposition had a strong candidate. Although the APC candidate, Ukachikwu, is a successful businessman and has done a lot for his community, people, he is not well grounded politically in Anambra. The last election he contested (for a senate seat in the Anambra south zone ended in great failure for him. In fact his running mate for this governorship election, Senator Uche Ekwunife is considered a more tested and popular politician than him.   Actually  most people believe that if the roles were reversed with Ekwunife as the flag bearer, APC would have fared better in this election.
 
However, there is little doubt that if late Senator Ifeanyi Uba had been alive, the results would have been different. Uba is a popular, tested and experienced politician. He singly won a senate seat under a little known party, the YPP. He is the strong man of Nnewi politics, hence his boast, “I own Nnewi, Nnewi owns me”.  He decamped to the APC soon after the 2023 general election with eyes on becoming governor. He had been working systematically since then towards endearing APC to Anambrarians and further boosting his ambition, through various programmes.   However he died suddenly during an overseas trip.  It is worth noting that Chief Chukwuma who was in APC with him and reverted to YPP as its candidate when Uba’s name was no longer on the ballot was third in this election. It is believed that  Ifeanyi Uba as APC candidate would have given Soludo a run for his money; the contest would have been competitive and the results tighter, not the one sided affair it turned out to be because those that contested against the governor could not match him. Votes cast for APC in the election were more or less, protest votes against APGA.
 
   Many people are disenchanted with Soludo for one reason or other. Among them are those engaged in commercial activity of whatever kind. These feel done in by his tax system, complaining that they are being taxed “left, right and centre”. The recent report by BudgIT that ranked Anambra as the best of all the 36 states in terms of fiscal responsibility apparently strengthens his hands. Then, there are civil servants who lament that despite tripling of federal allocation to states and  a number of  state governments raising salaries  way above the minimum  wage, Anambra workers are still being paid “stipends” as take home pay. Third are plenty Igbos generally who are miffed that Soludo is always criticising  former Anambra governor and Labour party  presidential candidate in the 2023 general elections, Peter Obi but never saying a word against President Bola Tinubu whom they perceive as marginalising Igbos.
 
Fourthly, many citizens are pissed by his “talkative” character, particularly his perceived penchant for “I koo onu”, that is, besmirching or mocking opponents. The governor accuses APC’s deputy governorship candidate of possessing fake, forged ph.D certificate which she denies. The woman thereafter, fired a salvo of her own at the governor and soon the matter degenerated into dirty exchange of words between Anambra’s First Lady and the APC’s deputy gubernatorial flag bearer, bordering on alleged infidelity. It was embarrassing to womanhood, unbecoming of women in high places. And all fingers pointed to the governor as having started this show of shame. Throughout the campaigns the governor continued to insist that those aspiring to govern Anambra should be people of sound intellect not those who did not make the required papers in their G.C.E. result (referring to the opposition). He stressed the need for current and aspiring leaders to be role models in character and learning.
 
And just some two days to the poll, the governor made a statement (in answer to the issue of alleged Christian genocide in the country) to the effect that Christians are the ones killing Christians in Anambra state. This angered a lot of persons as they interpreted it to mean that he supports the alleged genocide against Christians.  It was considered careless talk by him. Someone swore to me that if there were to be a Sunday service before the votes are cast, (after that statement), word would have gone out from the pulpit to disown the governor as a Christian at the ballot. That is to say that he would have lost the election. The church is powerful in this part of Nigeria.  Governor Soludo may do well to be sparing in his speeches, to weigh them before voicing them, to talk only when it is necessary and to shun  talks that cause disharmony.
Victoria N. Ikeano writes via victoriangozii@gmail.com  08033077519
 
 

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75 ISWAP Fighters Killed in Borno Town.

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In what has been described as the most successful Military onslaught on Boko Haram and ISWAP elements, the death toll of terrorists neutralised during a failed infiltration attempt on troops’ position in Malam Fatori, Abadam Local Government Area of Borno has risen.
Reports indicate that a total of 75 terrorists fell to Military fire, in what security analysts describe as one of the most decisive recent blows against the Islamic State West Africa Province.

Our correspondent reports that the Initial reports which put the number of insurgents killed at 61, following a coordinated response by troops of Operation Hadin Kai, supported by the Nigerian Air Force has risen to 75.

Updated battlefield assessments and mop-up operations indicate that at least 75 fighters were neutralised, with several others believed to have escaped with severe injuries.

The attack, which occurred in the early hours of Wednesday, saw ISWAP fighters advancing on foot toward the 68 Battalion location, reportedly deploying armed drones in an attempt to breach defensive lines. The infiltration, launched from the Duguri axis toward the Bravo Company frontage, was swiftly detected and repelled.

Military sources said the success of the operation was anchored on superior coordination between air and ground forces, illustrating the growing effectiveness of joint-force synergy in counter-insurgency operations in the North-East.

Four precision air interdiction strikes were conducted on identified terrorist withdrawal routes effectively degrading their combat capability and disrupting their manoeuvre.

The integration of air power ensured that the insurgents were fixed in position and subjected to sustained bombardment, forcing a chaotic withdrawal toward the Arege axis.

Further compounding the losses of the terrorists group was the intervention of allied air assets from the Niger Republic, which carried out additional strike passes on fleeing terrorists.Although a full battle damage assessment of those strikes is still ongoing, security sources believe the combined firepower significantly increased the casualty figures.

In addition to the high number of fatalities, troops reportedly recovered a large cache of arms and ammunition from the battlefield, further weakening the operational capacity of the group in the Lake Chad region.

On the side of government forces, four soldiers sustained minor injuries and have since been stabilised.

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SAN urges collective efforts to tackle societal vices

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Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Professor Yusuf Olaolu Ali, has stressed the need for a converted effort in addressing the social vices plaguing the society.

Ali, who is the first Kuliya Ngeri of Ilorin Emirate, said this in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, at the sixth annual Ramadan Lecture organised by the ‘Knowledge Is Light Islamic Foundation’ (KILIF).

He urged forward-looking organisations, including the KILIF, to beam their searchlights on issues that would take the youths off the streets and evil ways.

The legal luminary applauded members of KILIF for setting up the organisation, saying that the rationale behind it shows that the founders are conscious of the hereafter.

“I want to commend this group for coming up this way. This is very great for us in Islam. But I want to say that during and after Ramadan, we must sustain the momentum of a gathering like this.

“We must treat contemporary topics of getting our youths off street and off evil ways. We must look at those things that are taking away respect from our space. Those things should be addressed.

“Do not let this group just be any other group. You should try to treat topics that would focus more on tackling issues in the society. Let us look at programmes that would attract elderly and that can proffer solutions to the challenges plaguing our society,” Olaolu said.

In his lecture titled “Eid-el-Fitr”, a retired Grand Kadi of Kwara State Shariah Court of Appeal, Justice Salihu Olohuntoyin Muhammad, urged Muslim faithful to avoid chanting political slogans during the Eid, but rather they should endeavour to engage in the praising of Allah right from home to Eid prayer ground.

He also encouraged Muslims to perform ritual birth on the day of Eid-el-Fitr and eat before heading for the sacred ground so as to secure bounty reward from the Almighty Allah.

In his remarks, the President of KILIF, Alhaji Oba Amosa, thanked members of the organisation and various donors for their support to the Islamic group.

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OPINION: Deaths And Destructions At Home, Emotional Investment Abroad: Are We So Cursed?By: A G Abubakar

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Nigerians, including intellectuals and technocrats, often spend hours passionately debating developments in the United States and other distant corners of the world. Granted, Nigeria is part of the global community and cannot be insulated from international affairs. However, the intensity, emotionalism, and sometimes blind partisanship that characterize such engagements are both puzzling and troubling.

Even more baffling is that this fixation is often displayed by individuals presumed to possess high levels of learning, exposure, and analytical sophistication—people who, by virtue of their training, should ordinarily lead rigorous conversations about the urgent problems confronting their own society. It is a troubling paradox: a people who struggle to confront their immediate and existential challenges yet remain deeply preoccupied with events unfolding thousands of kilometres away. The imbalance is striking.

In a society grappling with security crises, decaying infrastructure, economic hardship, and uncertain futures for millions, one would expect sustained attention to domestic realities. Instead, the national attention span on matters affecting personal safety, community stability, and development is astonishingly short. Worse still, such attention often lacks depth, creativity, and analytical rigour. Critical thinking appears scarce, while ethno-religious emotions, masked under pseudo-intellectualism, increasingly dominate social discourse, public debate, and even governance.

This raises uncomfortable questions. Could this phenomenon be linked to the harsh material conditions in which many Nigerians live? According to recent multidimensional poverty indices, over 60 percent of the population—about 139 million people—experience poverty not merely as lack of income but as deprivation in education, healthcare, and living standards. When daily survival becomes the central struggle, long-term reflection and strategic thinking may become luxuries.

Or perhaps the explanation lies partly in how both the old and young have been educated. The system has largely failed to consistently produce critical thinkers and problem-solvers; instead, it has unleashed onto society a cognitively underprepared cohort of “educated illiterates.” The science of learning suggests that successive generations typically surpass their predecessors in cognitive development, but this trend appears to have stalled—if not reversed—in the current one. Countries like Nigeria are particularly affected. Where literacy levels hover around or fall below fifty percent in some regions, sustained critical engagement with complex national issues is, understandably, constrained.

Education is not merely the ability to read and write; it is the foundation of analytical reasoning, civic consciousness, and the discipline to distinguish between what is urgent and what is merely interesting. Yet, Nigeria’s foundational education system falls woefully short of this ideal. Evidence of this failure is stark. A report on primary-level learning proficiency across 47 African countries indicates that only 9.5 percent of Nigerian pupils attain minimum competency in reading and mathematics by the end of primary school. The implication is sobering: a vast majority are being advanced through the system without the basic tools required for meaningful learning, critical engagement, or informed citizenship.

Others may point to the powerful influence of religion. Nigeria is one of the most intensely religious societies in the world. Faith traditions provide meaning, comfort, and moral guidance to millions. Yet when religious identity becomes the dominant lens through which people interpret political and global events, emotional attachments to distant conflicts can overshadow engagement with local realities.

Perhaps, as some might cynically suggest, the Creator simply made it so for reasons beyond human comprehension. Whatever the explanation, one cannot escape the conclusion that Nigerians appear to suffer from a peculiar condition—a persistent tendency toward misplaced priorities.

Nothing illustrates this more vividly than the fascination with distant geopolitical conflicts. In recent times, public discourse across Nigeria—especially on social media—has been saturated with passionate debates about tensions involving the USA, Israel, and Iran. Opinions are fiercely expressed, allegiances declared, and timelines flooded with emotional arguments, and often oblivious of the fact that more than fifty percent of the information is either manipulated, AI-generated or outright fake.

Yet at the same time, terror continues to unfold within Nigeria’s own borders. Communities in the North-East live under constant threat from Boko Haram and ISWAP attacks. Villages in Benue and Plateau endure cycles of ethno-religious violence and armed herdsmen attacks. Rural communities across several states are repeatedly assaulted by bandits and kidnappers. Oil theft in the Niger Delta drains hundreds of thousands of barrels of crude daily, depriving the nation of vital revenue. In parts of the South-East, weekly “sit-at-home” orders have paralysed economic life and normalized a strange form of protest that punishes ordinary citizens.

These crises have had profound social and economic consequences. Tens of thousands have been killed, and over 3.9 million people have been pushed into IDP camps across the country, according to the United Nations. Economic activities such as agriculture and commerce have been severely disrupted, with some communities experiencing up to a 50 percent drop in output. Oil theft alone is estimated to cost the nation an average of $10 billion annually. Also an estimated, 2,000 settlements have been sacked, destroyed or brought under the control of terrorists, and insurgents across parts of the country – basically ghost villages.

Yet despite their devastating impact, these crises rarely command sustained national outrage or deep intellectual engagement. Deaths in places such as Woru, Nuku, and other rural communities quickly fade from public conversation. The massacre of over 160 innocent people and the kidnapping of more than 300 others—events that should provoke national soul-searching—are increasingly treated as routine occurrences. Tragedy has become normalized.

Instead of confronting these challenges directly, many Nigerians appear to prefer the soothing path of distraction or evasion. Idle hours—created in part by unemployment and underemployment—are often spent debating the problems of distant societies, as if an elixir. Social media platforms have become the primary arena for this phenomenon.

Here, the young and old, the educated and the uninformed, the politically active and the indifferent converge in endless debates about foreign affairs. A substantial proportion of online discussions among Nigerians revolve around international controversies rather than domestic issues. These debates are often driven by emotion rather than evidence. Individuals who show little interest in local governance or civic responsibility suddenly become fervent analysts of Middle Eastern geopolitics, American elections, or European conflicts.

Meanwhile, real crises unfold at home. Indeed, this collective distraction creates conditions in which grave security failures occur with insufficient public scrutiny. While public attention was fixated on tensions involving Iran, the US, and Israel, insurgent groups reportedly attacked and dislodged several military formations across parts of the North-East.

These incidents occurred in parts of Borno and Plateau States. In Borno, more than six military bases across several communities were overrun. Among the casualties were Lt. Col. U. Farouq, Lt. Col. S.I. Iliyasu, and Major U.I. Mairiga, alongside dozens of civilians. The tragedy occurred only a few months after Brig.-Gen. M. Uba paid the supreme price in Damboa. In Kanam LGA of Plateau State, terrorists ambushed and killed several military personnel including two commanders; Lt. H. Hassan and Capt. AU Hajji. Many civilians also lost their lives. The bloody week ended with a coordinated attack on Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, during which several neighbourhoods were bombed, causing dozens of fatalities, injuries, and wanton destructions.

Yet national attention remained largely fixed on distant conflicts. Only months earlier, it was the Russia–Ukraine war dominating conversations. Before that, other global controversies occupied the same mental space. The pattern is unmistakable: Nigerians repeatedly immerse themselves in the politics of other nations while their own house burns.

History offers a fitting metaphor. When the Roman Emperor Nero allegedly played music while Rome burned, it symbolized the dangerous folly of leaders and societies distracted during moments of crisis. Nigeria risks becoming a modern version of that ancient tragedy—a nation absorbed in peripheral matters while existential threats grow at home.

This is not merely a cultural curiosity; it is a national problem. Societies develop according to the priorities they set. Nations that progress are those whose citizens focus their intellectual energy on solving local problems, strengthening institutions, and demanding accountability from their leaders, instead of getting hooked on social media apps/platforms. A full-time chat culture of “sharing,” “forwarding,” and “posting” on YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, ChatGPT, DeepSeek, etc, often without even reading them. It’s a new opium.

For Nigeria to move forward, a fundamental shift in public consciousness is required. Citizens must refocus their attention on the urgent realities confronting their communities. Personal responsibility must replace passive spectatorship. Communities must demand security, accountability, and effective governance. Intellectual discourse must prioritize solutions to domestic challenges rather than emotional engagement with distant conflicts.

Authorities must also rise to the occasion. Governments at all levels have a duty to address insecurity, strengthen institutions, expand education, and foster civic awareness. Leadership must guide the national conversation toward constructive engagement with Nigeria’s real problems.

Nigeria’s tragedy is not merely that it faces many problems; every nation does. The deeper tragedy is that its people have gradually become conditioned to live with those problems while investing their emotional energy in the crises of others. A society that treats its own disasters as routine but becomes animated by distant conflicts has clearly lost its sense of priority.

No nation has ever risen by obsessing over the problems of others while neglecting its own. Progress is built by citizens who confront their realities, demand accountability from their leaders, and devote their intellectual energy to solving challenges within their borders. Until Nigerians begin to do this consistently, insecurity will persist, institutions will remain weak, and development will continue to lag behind promise—descending into global ridicule and disdain, a reality many Nigerians who travel abroad can attest to.

The choice before the country is stark. Nigerians can either continue down the path of distraction—arguing passionately about foreign wars while their own communities bleed—or awaken to the urgency of their national condition. A people who refuse to focus on their own house should not be surprised when it collapses around them.

History is unforgiving to societies that ignore warning signs. If Nigerians fail to reorder their priorities, the verdict of the future will be harsh: that a nation blessed with immense human and natural resources allowed itself to drift—not because it lacked solutions, but because it lacked the collective seriousness to confront its own problems.

The time to refocus is now. Otherwise, the question “Why are Nigerians like this?” may one day be replaced by a far more painful one: “How did we allow it all to slip away?” – our nationhood, our global respect as a Black race, and even our personal integrity.
A.G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

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