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OPINION:

Published

9 months ago

December 29, 2025

Our Reporter

SOKOTO FIRST WHERE NEXT?
INTEROGATING THE BIGGER PICTURE.

By: A G Abunakar

When Donald Trump mooted the idea of coming into Nigeria to smoke out jihadists allegedly killing Christians, public reactions were as diverse as Nigerian society itself. And, when he followed through his threats by striking Jabo, a village in Sokoto state, with drones and missiles, the reactions haven’t been less diverse either. Not many people fathomed that Sokoto was going to be high on the pecking order of strike in view of the fact that the killings from the area on account of terrorism and insurgency are much lower than what obtain in the North East and North Central regions of the country. Others, welcomed the strike and maintained that after Sokoto, it can be extended accordingly.

Why did the US pull the trigger now? The answer lies in the alleged genocide against Christians and global geopolitics. As regards the alleged carnage, many perceived it as affecting both Christians and Muslims alike. Others, however, saw the killings as bearing distinct markings of genocide. The few who attempted to express concern for some of the Muslim communities impacted by the crises tended to blame them, for not speaking out forcefully enough about their plight.

They maintained that the Christian communities —genocide or not —have been able to voice out their concerns, which consequently got escalated to the global stage. From there it found receptive ears among evangelical groups in the United States and influential members of Congress. Following two fact-finding missions, Trump decided to make good his threat to strike Nigeria, from its Navy warship in the Gulf of Guinea and related operational base in Ghana. A total of sixteen GPS-guided precision munitions were reportedly pumped into Jabo village.

The build-up followed a familiar U.S. pre-strike pattern: ramp up verbal attacks, repeat accusations relentlessly, and deploy charged descriptors such as “disgrace,” “weak,” and “ineffectual.” This is usually followed by threats capped with ultimatums, before eventual military action. The host nation, usually the weaker partner, is informed as fait accompli out of courtesy and the need for cooperation should the need arises.

A few weeks ago, Trump reiterated his description of Nigeria as a disgrace, accusing the government of failing to halt killings within four weeks—violence that, in reality, has persisted for nearly two decades. While warnings and diplomatic engagements were ongoing, U.S. surveillance reportedly operated freely over Nigerian airspace as the country watched helplessly.

Meanwhile, at home, groups sympathetic to the genocide narrative mounted campaigns against a nonexistent Sokoto Caliphate, accusing it of perpetuating the alleged genocide For the record, the Sokoto Caliphate existed between 1804 and 1903. Its formal end came with the killing of Sultan Attahiru at Burmi while he sought refuge. Burmi is located in the present-day Gombe State in northeastern Nigeria. From that point onward, British colonial rule took over, and in 1960, Nigeria emerged as a sovereign constitutional state. The role of successive paramount rulers in Sokoto—styled as Sultans—has since been largely symbolic and ceremonial: a unifying figure for social and religious cohesion, devoid of executive authority.

Under the 1999 Constitution, traditional rulers possess no autonomous power. Their authority is subordinate even to local government chairmen—not governors. Emirs, Obas, Shehus, Ezes, Sultans, Tor Tivs, Kuthlis, Och’Idomas, and others must obtain concurrence from their local councils before moving outside their domains. That is how hamstrung traditional institutions have become. Indeed, the Nigerian Constitution provides no clear operational role for royal fathers.

Eventually, the United States struck targets in Sokoto, allegedly based on “credible intelligence” indicating that perpetrators of genocide were located in the region—and that genocide itself was taking place there. Trump announced:

“The United States launched a powerful and deadly strike against ISIS terrorist elements in northwest Nigeria who have been targeting and viciously killing primarily innocent Christians at levels not seen for many years, and even centuries.”

Notably, there was no direct reference to the Nigerian government. Any claim by Nigerian authorities that the strike was conducted under mutual arrangement appeared, at best, face-saving.

Indeed, it could hardly have been otherwise. Had Nigeria been in control, it would have directed the strikes where they mattered most—against Boko Haram and ISWAP in the Northeast or the murderous armed herdsmen in Benue and Plateau States. These two groups – and opportunists in between – have effectively torn the country apart, while successive governments have appeared too apprehensive to decisively confront them for fear of alienating either Christian or Muslim constituencies. In reality, Nigeria doesn’t have nationals. It has only Christians and Muslims, and that’s how they operate. Therefore, leadership, instead of managing citizens, ends up balancing sectarian relations at the expense of development.

This relentless balancing of Christian-Muslim political interests has steadily defanged Nigerian governments, weakening them internally and diplomatically. A fractured home front translates into vulnerability abroad. Trump and other world leaders have perceived this weakness and exploited it through classic “divide and rule” tactics, manipulating mutual suspicion for strategic advantage. Even when external actors act high-handedly, the Nigerian government watches helplessly, trapped in the logic of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.”

The strike on Sokoto may, therefore, have been strategic. First, to reinforce the perception that genocide is occurring and that the Islamic community—symbolised by the Sultanate—is complicit. Second, Sokoto may simply serve as a launch pad for deeper penetration toward the actual jihadist strongholds in the Northeast. Or perhaps it is merely a case of giving a dog a bad name in order to hang it.

It is also possible that the U.S. sought to test its new National Security Strategy, shaped around Trump’s “America First” vision, and rolled out in November 2025. The strategy describes U.S. foreign policy as “pragmatic without being pragmatist, realistic without being realist, principled without being idealist, muscular without being hawkish, and restrained without being dovish” It further claims to be guided by “flexible realism” and “offensive realism.” Perhaps only the architects of this Trump-inspired doctrine can fully explain why Sokoto became the testing ground for these abstractions—first in Africa.

Outside these explanations, logic dictates that any serious offensive against terrorism should have begun at the epicentres: Boko Haram and ISWAP enclaves in the Northeast, orNorth-Central killing fields. The hills of Mangu, Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, Bassa, and Riyom in Plateau State; the forests of Yelwata, Gwer, Guma, and Akpa in Benue State; and areas such as Shiroro, Mokwa, and the Kainji axis in Niger State, as well as Baruten and Kaiama in Kwara State, where groups like Ansaru, Mamuda, and Lakurawa operate. The U.S. reconnaissance missions to these regions should have yielded sufficient actionable intelligence for pre-emptive strikes.

Killings in Sokoto, Zamfara, Kebbi, Katsina, and parts of Kaduna are largely products of terrorism-fuelled criminality exploiting weak law enforcement They are mostly Muslim-on-Muslim, or Hausa-Fulani-on-Fulani violence, driven by economic or criminal motives rather than ideology. The Lakurawa phenomenon has been a low-level insurgency that got foothold in the zone during Nigeria’s frosty relations with Niger Republic after the military toppled the latter’s civilian government. This sharply contrasts with Boko Haram and ISWAP, which are animated by Sharia-state ideology and territorial ambition.

Lakurawa in Sokoto axis is, in fact, a case of marriage gone sour. Years back, the local communities used to engage them for security and protection against livestock rustling in the absence of an orthodox government security system in the area. In return, the group was given unfettered access to the people for religious preaching and missioning until the cookie crumbled. A case of “those who ride on a tiger’s back may end up in its stomach.”

Boko Haram under Abubakar Shekau was initially aligned with al-Qaeda. Tactical disagreements later produced a splinter faction—ISWAP—led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi, son of Mohammed Yusuf, Boko Haram’s founder ISWAP pledged allegiance to ISIS and became its West African franchise. Since then, rivalry between the two has been fierce, with ISWAP appearing to be gaining the upper hand.

ISWAP now controls strategic locations in the Lake Chad Basin—Damasak, Ngala, Malam Fatori—as well as parts of the Gwoza mountains and Sambisa Forest. It has grown increasingly sophisticated, deploying drones, high-calibre weapons, and effective social-media propaganda. A capacity that the Nigerian army is still grappling to match up, given its disastrous experience with deployment in Tudun Biri on the outskirts of Kaduna, Ran in Borno State and a village in Zamfara State.

The group has recently overrun military bases in Kukawa and Damboa (Borno State) and Buni Yadi (Yobe State). Key highways to Maiduguri-Damboa-Biu and Biu-Damaturu-Maiduguri—have remained unsafe. In fact, the Maiduguri/Damboa/Biu corridor has been closed down for years. And it was around this same axis that the military lost senior officers, including Col. Danladi Bako, Brig-Gen. Dzarma Zirkusu, and Brig-Gen. Musa Uba. The latter was reportedly executed in cold blood and filmed by the insurgents for propaganda purposes.

Against this backdrop, it is baffling that Sokoto was chosen for the first strike. Nigerian authorities claim that “structured security cooperation with international partners, including the United States,” led to “precision airstrikes on terrorist targets in the Northwest,” (MFA, December, 2025).

In reality, the decision was unmistakably American. Otherwise, Nigeria might have prioritised strikes on the Northeast or North-Central terror hubs to send a clearer message. Indeed, the very need for U.S. intervention is itself an indictment. Why should it take American drones and missiles to strike targets in Nigeria when ISWAP itself often deployed drones to dislodge Nigerian military bases. Whatever marginal benefits may arise from this so-called “structured cooperation,” they are temporary. Nations invite partners for international crises—not to resolve internal security failures.

Ultimately, the price of failure is national sovereignty. Sokoto may represent the opening chapter in Nigeria’s gradual devaluation. The same U.S. doctrines of “offensive realism” and “flexible realism” have left deep scars in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, DRC, Sudan, Somalia, and Libya. Used and dumped. Nigeria must avoid joining that grim list.

The footprint of such “liberation” carries more blood than any diagram of peace.
Sokoto was struck not because it was the epicentre of terror; it was because Nigeria has lost the moral and strategic control of its own security narrative. When a sovereign state becomes unable to clearly define its enemies and acts accordingly, others will define them for it—and strike where symbolism matters more than substance. The first bomb did not merely hit a target; it exposed a vacuum of authority, coherence, and national will.

This is the danger of a country fragmented along ethno-religious lines and governed by permanent appeasement. In such a state, terrorism mutates, criminality flourishes, and foreign powers find justification to intervene under selectively moral banners. Once sovereignty is subcontracted, it is rarely returned intact.

If Nigeria does not urgently reclaim control of its internal security, intelligence architecture, and national narrative, it risks sliding from partner to project, from state to theatre. History shows that foreign “liberation” rarely ends in peace; it ends in prolonged instability, bloodshed, and regret. Nigeria, should be guided.
A. G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

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Gov AbdulRazaq Lauded Over Conferment Of Sadauna Of Ilorin Title

Published

19 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq has been hailed for the conferment of the prestigious Sadauna of Ilorin Emirate title on him by His Royal Highness, the Emir of Ilorin, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR.

Giving the commendation on Tuesday in a statement in Ilorin, the state capital, Alhaji Yakubu Garba Gobir, who is the Sarkin Gobir and Madawaki of the Ilorin Emirate, described the recognition and honour on Governor AbdulRazaq as well deserved, timely and apt, giving his huge contributions to the growth and development of Ilorin Emirate and Kwara State as a whole.

Gobir specifically commended the Emir of Ilorin for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna, noting that it is a solemn call for greater responsibility, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people.

He added: “The title of Sardauna occupies a position of profound significance in the history, heritage and traditions of the Ilorin Emirate. I commend His Royal Highness, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR, the Emir of Ilorin, for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna.

“The title embodies courage, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people. Your elevation is therefore not merely a mark of honour; it is also a solemn call to greater responsibility and continued service.

“As a fellow title-holder in the Ilorin Emirate, I am particularly delighted to welcome you into this distinguished circle of traditional leadership. I am confident that you will bring to the office the same qualities of leadership, dignity and unwavering commitment to public service that have distinguished your tenure and career.

“At a time when our Emirate and our State require men and women of character, wisdom and courage to advance the interests of our people, I am certain that you will make a meaningful contribution to the enduring unity, progress and development of the Ilorin Emirate.”

Gobir offered prayers for a successful, impactful and enduring tenure for the new Sadauna, adding:
“May Almighty Allah grant you wisdom, sound health and strength, and may He make your tenure as Sardauna of Ilorin a source of lasting honour to you, your family and the entire Ilorin Emirate.”

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FG Commissions KWASU ICT Centre To Enhance Graduates Employability

Published

19 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin.

The wife of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, has commissioned a TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative-backed ICT Experience Centre at the Kwara State University (KWASU), Malete.

It would be recalled that KWASU is one of the six tertiary institutions selected for the pilot phase of this intervention, with one institution representing each of the Nigerian six geopolitical zones.

Represented at the commissioning on Tuesday by the wife of the Vice-President, Nana Shettima, Tinubu said the project is a testament to the federal government’s commitment to advancing education, digital inclusion and enhancing graduate employability.

“The TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative ICT Experience Centre we are commissioning today represents opportunity, innovation, knowledge, and the future of young people in Kwara State and beyond.

She said: “This initiative aligns with the Renewed Hope Agenda of the administration of His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, which places emphasis on youth empowerment, education, innovation, and economic transformation. Mr President is committed to creating opportunities that will equip Nigerian youths with knowledge and skills required to thrive in a modern and competitive world.”

Senator Tinubu said the facility was designed as a modern technology centre equipped with ICT laboratory, interactive digital display, conference facility, and exhibition spaces, adding that it would be an environment for learning, creativity, research, and technology advancement.

According to her, the ICT centres had been commissioned at the Ekiti State University on May 28, University of Cross Rivers State on September 4, Anambra State Polytechnic on September 10, adding that the Centres at Kaduna State University and Taraba State Universities would be commissioned soon.

“The next phase of this intervention will cover 15 institutions in Adamawa, Bayelsa, Borno, Delta, Edo, Enugu, Imo, Katsina, Nasarawa, Niger, Ondo, Osun, Rivers, Yobe, and Zamfara states which construction is currently ongoing. This expansion demonstrates the administration’s commitment to ensuring that more Nigerian youths, irrespective of their locations, have access to digital learning opportunities,” she said.

She encouraged the students to take ownership of the facility, maximise the opportunity it provides, and use technology positively to enhance their lives, community, and the nation.

In his speech, the Executive Secretary of Tetfund, Architect Sonny Echono, said the centres are being established across selected Universities, Polytechnics and Colleges of Education, with the Kwara State University, Malete proudly hosting the facility in the North-Central Zone.

“Through practical training and digital skills acquisition, TETFund seeks to enhance graduate employability, foster innovation and position Nigeria to participate more effectively in the global
technology-driven economy,” he added.

Echono also said that the ICT Experience Centre is designed to equip students and lecturers with critical digital skills in Artificial Intelligence, Cybersecurity, Robotics and Software Development.

He added: “The Centre being commissioned today is one of the foremost ICT Experience Centres being delivered across the country, and the third to be commissioned this year. The Centre is equipped with modern digital devices, Computer systems and relevant software to facilitate training, practical learning and skills development. The facility is appropriately furnished and
fully air-conditioned, with supporting power and municipal infrastructure.”

Also speaking, the Vice Chancellor of the University, Professor Shaykh- Luqman Jimoh, said the new facility represents vision, belief, and an investment in the Nigerian youth to better shape the future of our
nation.

The Vice Chancellor described the ICT Experience Centre as an investment in human capital, in innovation, in entrepreneurship, and, most importantly, it is an investment in the future of Nigeria.

“This Centre will provide opportunities for our students to develop practical digital skills and engage with contemporary technologies. Importantly, it is our hub for interdisciplinary engagement.

“This ICT Experience Centre is therefore a timely, critical, and strategic infrastructure that will definitely enhance research, teaching, learning, entrepreneurship, and community service. This intervention is at the core of what this university seeks from partners and donors: synergies that add value and impact on today and the future,” he started.

KWASU Vice Chancellor also assured that the ICT Experience Centre would be put to maximum use for the benefit of students, researchers, and the University
community, adding that the “KWASU community would engage with the facilities in this Centre, we will use it. We will explore, experiment, learn, and innovate in i

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2027: Violent ;Kaduna as ADC, APC Supporters Trade Accusations….APC Calls For Police Investigation into the Vandalisation, attacks on its Office

Published

19 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

By Hassan Agboola

Tension is mounting in Kaduna State ahead of the 2027 general elections, following renewed exchanges between supporters of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and groups backing the administration of Governor Uba Sani.
The latest development came on Tuesday when ADC governorship candidate, Isa Ashiru, addressed supporters in Kaduna and, according to an account of his remarks, declared that the party was prepared to respond to attacks against its members.
Ashiru was also quoted as saying that it was Governor Uba Sani, rather than President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was responsible for the continued detention of former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai.

However, available public records show that El-Rufai’s detention followed proceedings before the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), with the commission stating that his continued custody was based on a court-issued remand order.

The controversy over El-Rufai’s detention has nevertheless become a major political issue in Kaduna and beyond. The ADC has repeatedly criticised the handling of the former governor’s case and alleged political persecution, while other political actors have made different claims about the circumstances surrounding his detention.
Rising political temperature

Ashiru’s emergence as the ADC governorship candidate has added another dimension to the political contest in Kaduna. He defeated other aspirants at the party’s governorship primary in May 2026 and is now preparing for another governorship contest after previously representing the PDP in the 2019 and 2023 elections.
The political atmosphere has been further complicated by disagreements within the ADC and accusations from different groups over the party’s leadership and candidates.

A Southern Kaduna political group, for instance, recently questioned Ashiru’s candidacy and the choice of his running mate, allegations rejected by an ADC official.
The situation has also produced incidents involving ADC supporters and security personnel. In one recent incident, police dispersed an ADC solidarity walk in Kaduna, while the party subsequently accused opponents of attacking its members and warned that political violence could escalate ahead of the 2027 elections.

The former governor remains an important factor in the emerging political contest. El-Rufai was taken into custody in February 2026 after responding to an invitation from the ICPC. His family subsequently demanded his release, while the anti-graft agency maintained that his detention was authorised by a court.
Since then, the issue has increasingly featured in political statements by the ADC and its supporters, with the party accusing the Federal Government of political persecution and calling for the former governor’s release.
The development has created a new political fault line involving the ADC, the APC-led Kaduna State Government and supporters of the former governor.

While allegations have been exchanged over who is responsible for political violence in Kaduna, the competing narratives should not be confused with established findings. The ADC itself has recently rejected the suggestion that it has a monopoly on political violence and accused unnamed opponents of introducing thuggery into the 2027 political process.

With the 2027 election campaign yet to fully commence, the increasingly combative language from ISA Ashiru and his supporters has raised concerns about the possibility of further confrontation.
The immediate challenge before the political parties, security agencies and community leaders is therefore to ensure that political disagreements do not degenerate into violence, particularly in a state with Kaduna’s history of politically and communally sensitive conflicts.
As at the time of filling tid report the All progressive congress, APC , Kaduna state in a statement has condemned the attacks on its office and called for police investigation
Certainly. I’ll retain the substance of the report while correcting grammar, tightening the structure, and presenting it as a clean newspaper hard-news story.
Writing
APC Condemns Violent Attacks on Members, Party Offices in Kaduna
The Kaduna State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has condemned alleged violent attacks on its members and the vandalisation of party offices and properties in the state.
The party also called on the police and other security agencies to investigate the incidents and ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.
In a statement, the Kaduna State APC Publicity Secretary, Sani Dan-Azare, alleged that some of the party’s members and supporters had been attacked, while some party and support-group offices were vandalised.
He also alleged that vehicles belonging to some party members were damaged during the incidents.
The APC described the attacks as unacceptable and urged security agencies to conduct a thorough and impartial investigation to establish the circumstances surrounding the incidents.
The party called on its members and supporters to remain calm and law-abiding, stressing that they should not resort to retaliation or take the law into their own hands.
The APC said it remained committed to peaceful political engagement and urged all political actors in Kaduna State to conduct their activities within the bounds of the law.
It further appealed to security agencies to strengthen security around party offices and other sensitive locations to prevent further incidents.