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OPINION: THE MIDDLE BELT QUESTION: HISTORY, POWER, AND THE CURRENT REALITY.

Published

6 months ago

January 12, 2026

By: Dr. Pogu Bitrus.

It has become imperative to respond decisively to a mischievous and intellectually dishonest article circulating under the headline “The Manufactured Middle Belt: The Untold History, Foreign Backing and the Agenda to Fracture Northern Nigeria,” authored under the pseudonym Safyan Umar Yahaya. Far from being a work of history and of social concern, the piece is an alarmist pamphlet, animated by fear and bigotry, not facts, all aimed at delegitimising the rising social and political consciousness of the Middle Belt.

The anxiety beneath the essay is unmistakable. For over a century, certain ruling blocs have exploited the Middle Belt economically, subordinated it politically, and tried to diminish it culturally. Today, as the people of the region reclaims its history, pride and asserts its unity, anger and blackmail are the responses of the losers.

The central claim, that the Middle Belt is a recent political fabrication without historical roots, is not merely false; it is a deliberate distortion built on colonial convenience and selective amnesia.

WHAT THE MIDDLE BELT ACTUALLY IS.

The Middle Belt refers to the vast geographical and cultural zone inhabited by indigenous ethnic nationalities of the former Northern Region, now spanning 19 Northern states and the Federal Capital Territory, who were never conquered or were never largely ruled by the Sokoto Caliphate or the Kanem-Borno Empire prior to British colonisation.
Put plainly, the Middle Belt consists of the autochthonous peoples of Northern Nigeria who are neither Hausa, Fulani, nor Kanuri, and who historically existed outside the authority of Islamic caliphates, notwithstanding some pockets of Emirate enclaves among it. This is not opinion; it is an established historical fact.

Long before colonial rule, the Middle Belt was home to sovereign empires, kingdoms, chiefdoms, and complex stateless societies whose political systems predated the 19th-century jihads by centuries. Among the most prominent was the Kwararafa Confederacy, centred in the Gongola – Benue Valley. Between the 18th and 19th centuries, Kwararafa repeatedly defeated and humiliated Hausa city-states such as Kano and Zaria and even challenged Kanem-Borno, long before Usman dan Fodio’s jihad of 1804.

Other well-documented polities include the Igala Kingdom, Jukun states, Nupe Kingdom, and countless Tiv, Idoma, Gbagyi, Birom, Angas, Lelna, Bwatye, Eggon, and Goemai societies among hundreds of others – each with distinct political traditions, land tenure systems, and military histories. They had a common solidarity hinged on wading off Islamisation and genocidal slave raids.

COLONIAL CONQUEST AND FORCED SUBORDINATION.

The author inadvertently exposes his argument’s weakness when he ignores a crucial colonial reality: the British conquered the Muslim emirates with relative ease, largely by co-opting existing centralized hierarchies. In contrast, Middle Belt societies resisted British conquest fiercely.

British colonial records, by administrators such as Frederick Lugard and C.L. Temple, document prolonged military campaigns, punitive expeditions, and scorched-earth tactics used against Middle Belt communities from the early 1900s to the 1920s. This resistance is precisely why the British imposed Indirect Rule by force, subordinating Middle Belt peoples to Fulani and Kanuri emirs they had never known, accepted, or recognized.
That imposition,nnot foreign conspiracy, is the historical root of Middle Belt political consciousness.

THE COLONIAL FALLACY OF “NON-EXISTENCE”.

The article’s reliance on colonial maps and constitutions to argue that the Middle Belt did not exist before the 1940s is intellectually indefensible. Colonial documents recognized what served imperial administration, not indigenous reality. By that logic, countless African nations and identities would vanish simply because Europeans failed, or refused, to acknowledge them.
Even then, the claim is factually weak. The term “Middle Belt” appears descriptively in colonial correspondence as early as the first decade of the 20th century, used by administrators and missionaries to describe the non-emirate central zone of Northern Nigeria. The British deliberately refused to create a Middle Belt Region, not because it lacked coherence, but because doing so would weaken the numerical and political dominance of the Hausa-Fulani-Kanuri oligarchy that sustained Indirect Rule.
The agitation for recognition therefore predates independence; it merely became organized in the 1950s.

THE UMBC AND THE MYTH OF FOREIGN MANIPULATION.

The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) under Joseph Sarwuan Tarka did not invent the Middle Belt identity. It articulated long-standing grievances: land dispossession, political exclusion, cultural suppression, force labour, and religious discrimination.
To dismiss the UMBC as a tool of missionaries or foreign interests is not only false but insulting. Middle Belt people and leaders were among the most educated and politically sophisticated Nigerians of their generation, many trained in Britain and elite Nigerian institutions well before independence. They required no NGO or missionary to understand injustice they lived daily.

The historical record, petitions against Native Authority abuses, resistance to emirate taxation, land struggles, and demands for self-rule, is open to anyone willing to read honestly.

THE CONTEMPORARY MOMENT.

Today’s Middle Belt movement is neither separatist nor violent. It is a demand for recognition, equity, and freedom from an imposed Arewa identity that neither reflects its history nor aligns with its values. The Middle Belt does not deny the existence of Northern Nigeria; it rejects the falsehood that Northern Nigeria is synonymous with the Middle Belt.
What has long been marketed as “Northern unity” has, in truth, been a forced political marriage, sustained by coercion rather than consent.
Increasingly, the Middle Belt is stating what history has always known: this union was never voluntary!
If language must be blunt, then so be it, this relationship has often resembled political rape, and the survivors have finally found their voice.

2027 AND THE PANIC OF DECLINING HEGEMONY.

The fear driving this revisionist essay is understandable. The once-boasted “monolithic Northern voting bloc” is fracturing. Demographics, political awareness, and historical truth are converging.
For the first time, Nigeria’s political establishment is confronting an uncomfortable reality: the Middle Belt is the decisive factor in national politics.

THE MIDDLE BELT, RELIGION, AND THE COLLAPSE OF OLD MYTHS.

A recurring propaganda tactic is to label the Middle Belt a “Bible Belt,” as though its political awakening is a sectarian religious project. This claim is demonstrably false. The Middle Belt has always been religiously plural, home to Christians, Muslims, and adherents of African traditional religions for centuries. Even institutionally, the Middle Belt Forum (MBF) disproves this caricature: its Board of Trustees and National Working Committee include Muslims, reflecting the region’s inclusive ethos. While it is true that the Middle Belt today is predominantly Christian, largely due to historical resistance to jihadist conquest and the voluntary embrace of Christianity, majority faith does not translate into religious extremism. The Middle Belt struggle is not about imposing religion; it is about ending political subjugation, cultural erasure, and systemic inequality. Reducing this legitimate quest to sectarianism is not analysis but propaganda.

Demise of the Hausa/Fulani Amalgam.

Equally misleading is the continued use of the term “Hausa-Fulani” as though it remains a coherent political or cultural bloc. Increasingly, Hausa intellectuals and opinion leaders reject this forced amalgam, insisting that there is Hausa land and there is the Middle Belt, but no natural or “Arewa” identity. The very terms “Northern Nigeria” and “Arewa” now irritate many enlightened Hausa voices who recognize them as tools historically used to sustain Fulani political dominance and economic exploitation. Recent events have further exposed this fracture: widespread violence by Fulani bandits against Hausa rural communities has shattered the illusion of a shared destiny. For decades, the Hausa masses were mobilized as demographic instruments against Middle Belt minorities; today, they are confronting the reality that they too have borne the costs of an unjust hierarchy. What is unfolding is not a Middle Belt conspiracy, but the collapse of an artificial political fiction. History, not agitation, has caught up with it.

Dr: Pogu Bitrus is the President of the Middle Belt Forum (MBF) and hails from Chibok, Southern Borno.

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Benue 2027: Alia’s strong support base amid APC power struggle

Published

2 days ago

July 13, 2026

Our Reporter

By: Fabian Apechihin

Governor Hyacinth Alia’s emergence as Benue State governor on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2023 marked a significant political shift, ending the eight-year administration of the Peoples Democratic Party led by former Governor Samuel Ortom.

The Catholic priest-turned-politician secured a decisive victory that many observers described as unprecedented, with his election widely interpreted as reflecting the desire of many Benue residents for a new direction in governance.

Supporters of Governor Alia argue that his administration has remained focused on delivering the vision of a “New Benue Renaissance.” They point to infrastructure development, improvements in public services, reforms in governance and efforts to reposition the state as evidence that the governor entered office with a clear development agenda.

Benue politics has historically been shaped by intense political rivalries and recurring debates over the influence of political godfathers. Alia’s supporters contend that his administration has sought to prioritize governance over political interests, maintaining that he has resisted pressure to appoint individuals allegedly backed by influential political figures into strategic government positions.

They also credit the administration with executing projects in road infrastructure, settling outstanding salary and pension obligations, renovating healthcare facilities, promoting agriculture, attracting investment, reviving industries and expanding employment opportunities for young people. Among the projects frequently highlighted by supporters is the ongoing effort to revive the Taraku Mills as part of the state’s economic revitalisation strategy.

Despite these initiatives, the administration has faced serious security challenges. Deadly attacks in several communities, including the killings in Yelwata, drew national attention and prompted a visit by President Bola Tinubu, who called for peace and urged political stakeholders in the state to embrace reconciliation.

As preparations for the 2027 general elections intensify, internal disagreements within the Benue APC have continued to generate political debate. Some supporters of Governor Alia have accused the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, of attempting to influence the state’s political direction. They have also raised concerns over the outcome of recent party processes and alleged manipulation of candidate lists.

These allegations remain disputed and have not been independently verified.

Supporters insist that Governor Alia has delivered measurable achievements within a relatively short period in office and deserves a second term to consolidate ongoing projects. They argue that his administration has restored public confidence in government through what they describe as transparent, accountable and people-centred leadership.

They further maintain that the governor continues to enjoy widespread grassroots support across the state and believe this backing will translate into electoral success in the 2027 governorship election.

However, differing opinions persist within the APC and among other political stakeholders regarding the future direction of the party and the state’s leadership. While Alia’s supporters argue that he should be allowed to continue his developmental agenda without political interference or the influence of godfatherism, other political actors have expressed alternative views on the party’s internal dynamics and leadership.

With the 2027 elections drawing closer, political analysts believe Benue will remain one of Nigeria’s most closely watched political battlegrounds, as competing interests within the ruling party continue to shape the state’s political landscap.

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Kwara PDP hails rescue of Oyo school children, teachers

Published

2 days ago

July 13, 2026

Our Reporter

Slams Gov AbdulRazaq’s non-chalance on rescue of 179 Woro abductees

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

The Kwara State Chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has congratulated the Government and people of Oyo State on the successful rescue of the 49 abducted school children and teachers, who regained their freedom after spending 51 harrowing days in the kidnappers’ forest

The party described the rescue as the outcome of sustained citizen engagement, consistent media pressure, and the responsive leadership of the Oyo State Government. It noted that Governor Seyi Makinde demonstrated what responsible leadership looks like by treating public criticism and concern not as an affront, but as a call to intensify efforts to secure the victims’ release.

In a statement signed by the State Publicity Secretary, Olusegun Olusola Adewara, the Kwara PDP contrasted the development with the security situation in Kwara State, accusing Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq of failing to make the rescue of the 176 pregnant women, nursing mothers, and children abducted during the February 3, 2026 terrorist attack on Woro community a priority. The attack also claimed the lives of nearly 200 residents.

According to the party, Governor Abdulrazaq’s perceived indifference and lack of decisive action extend beyond the Woro tragedy to the plight of hundreds of other victims of kidnapping and bandit attacks across Kwara State, leaving affected communities feeling abandoned and vulnerable.

“Our party is worried that while Oyo people celebrate the return of their citizens, Kwara State is left mourning under a government that simply does not care. We cannot help but compare the Oyo success to the situation in Kwara, where about 176 innocent people abducted in Woro, Kaiama LGA, have been left in the kidnappers’ den since February 3, 2026. Today makes it exactly 158 days that these citizens have been abandoned in the forest, completely ignored by the Abdulrazaq government.

“The successful rescue in Oyo did not happen by accident. It happened because Governor Seyi Makinde showed true leadership, made the crisis his top priority, and worked closely with the Federal Government and security agencies. In sharp contrast, the government in Kwara has failed to face the issue of insecurity with the same energy, honesty, and determination needed to bring our people back home.

“What is even more disturbing is the wickedl way Governor Abdulrazaq treats critics and ordinary citizens who speak out. Instead of fighting bandits, this administration treats anyone who points out its failures as an enemy, using state institutions to hunt down and silence dissenting voices.

“Kwarans will not forget how elderly women from Ifelodun, who were peacefully protesting and begging the government to rescue their kidnapped loved ones, were brutally assaulted and humiliated right in front of the Government House, Ilorin while the police and security operatives watched. Meanwhile, in Oyo State, when protesters led by activist VeryDarkMan took to the streets, Governor Makinde did not send thugs to beat them. Instead, he joined them physically, explained the government’s efforts, and gave them his word. This shows that a determined leader sees critics as partners in progress, not as criminals to be thrown into a jail cell,” the statement reads in part.

The Kwara PDP commends the people of Oyo State and the Southwest, the media houses, the Rattel Movement led by VeryDarkMan, and every private citizen who used their voice to keep the Federal and Oyo State Government on their toes until those children were freed.

“The party observed that throughout the difficult period, Governor Makinde accepted public criticisms and demands for greater action as part of the burden of leadership. Instead of treating concerned citizens as adversaries, he acknowledged their concerns, personally engaged with protesters, explained the efforts of government and reassured them that every necessary step was being taken to secure the victims’ freedom.

“We challenge Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq to see this development as a wake-up call and immediately rescue the Woro children and pregnant women. We also call on all Kwara citizens—especially journalists, civil society groups, academics, and public groups—to rise up and demand answers from the Abdulrazaq government regarding the 179 Woro people and others still trapped in bandit camps.” The statement reads.

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Rep Seat: Oke-Ero APC Elders, Youths Insist On Ekiti Indigene

Published

2 days ago

July 13, 2026

Our Reporter

Warn Against Backlash For Party If Their Appeal Is Ignored

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

As political activities ahead of the 2027 general elections gradually gather momentum, notable Elders and Youths within the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the Oke-ero Local Government ArCall gea of Kwara State have demanded an ‘Ekiti for Ekiti’ to fly the flag of the party for the House of Representatives seat, and not an outsider claiming to be from the area

The group, for the umpteenth time, expressed vehement opposition to the purported emergence of Mrs Olasumbo Florence Oyeyemi as the party’s candidate for the Ekiti/Irepodun/Isin/Oke-Ero Federal Constituency of Kwara State.

Chief Bayo Alabi, the leader of the elders caucus, and Mr Dayo Ashaolu, the Youth Coordinator, stated this in a joint statement on Saturday.

They maintained that the House of Representatives seat should remain the preserve of an indigene of Oke-Ero Local Government Area and not someone from Ijebu in Ogun State.

They argued that the Local Government Council has waited for more than two decades for the opportunity to produce the federal lawmaker representing the constituency.

They said handing the ticket to someone they do not regard as an indigene of Oke-Ero would amount to injustice and would deny the local government its long-awaited opportunity to occupy the seat.

They also alleged that Oyeyemi is not an indigene of Oke-Ero, arguing that her previous appointment and service as a Commissioner under the administration of Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq do not, in their view, confer indigene status on her.

“Now that the situation appears to be favouring the Ekiti bloc, particularly Oke Ero Local Government, in our federal constituency following the withdrawal of Hon Tunji Olawuyi from the race, it would be a great source of joy if a bonafide son of Ekiti emerges as the candidate of APC.

“Regarding Florence Olasumbo purported nomination, although she is married to a man from Idofin, in Oke-ero, she is not an indigene of our constituency.

“A similar situation occurred with the current Commissioner representing Ekiti Local Government, who was married to a son of the soil but later divorced, having enjoyed the privilege of her marriage to become Commissioner . We don’t want such a scenario to repeat itself in our constituency.”

“Consequently, many people feel that Ekiti block has not truly enjoyed the expected representation.

“This is why we believe it is important to support a candidate who is an indigene of the soil and can genuinely represent our people,” they affirmed

They appealed to Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq and the leadership of the APC in Kwara State to reconsider the choice of candidate and instead support what they described as a genuine indigene of Oke-Ero to represent the constituency.

According to them, such a decision would foster unity within the party, strengthen the confidence of party members and reassure the people that their aspirations and sense of belonging are being respected.

They further claimed that if reports suggesting that Oyeyemi had already completed the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) nomination process as the APC candidate were true, the development could generate dissatisfaction among party members in Oke-Ero.

They argued that such a move could negatively affect the morale of APC members in the local government and weaken the party’s support base ahead of the general election.

“We reject the candidacy of Olasumbo. Our position is that the House of Representatives ticket meant for Oke-Ero should not be given to someone we do not regard as an indigene of the local government,” the stakeholders said.

They urged the APC leadership to review the situation and ensure that Oke-Ero is allowed to produce what they described as its own candidate, rather than one perceived to have originated from outside the local government.

They expressed hope that the party leadership would carefully consider their concerns in the interest of equity, justice and the continued unity of the APC in the Ekiti/Irepodun/Isin/Oke-Ero Federal Constituency ahead of the 2027 elections.