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OPINION: THE MIDDLE BELT QUESTION: HISTORY, POWER, AND THE CURRENT REALITY.

Published

1 month ago

January 12, 2026

By: Dr. Pogu Bitrus.

It has become imperative to respond decisively to a mischievous and intellectually dishonest article circulating under the headline “The Manufactured Middle Belt: The Untold History, Foreign Backing and the Agenda to Fracture Northern Nigeria,” authored under the pseudonym Safyan Umar Yahaya. Far from being a work of history and of social concern, the piece is an alarmist pamphlet, animated by fear and bigotry, not facts, all aimed at delegitimising the rising social and political consciousness of the Middle Belt.

The anxiety beneath the essay is unmistakable. For over a century, certain ruling blocs have exploited the Middle Belt economically, subordinated it politically, and tried to diminish it culturally. Today, as the people of the region reclaims its history, pride and asserts its unity, anger and blackmail are the responses of the losers.

The central claim, that the Middle Belt is a recent political fabrication without historical roots, is not merely false; it is a deliberate distortion built on colonial convenience and selective amnesia.

WHAT THE MIDDLE BELT ACTUALLY IS.

The Middle Belt refers to the vast geographical and cultural zone inhabited by indigenous ethnic nationalities of the former Northern Region, now spanning 19 Northern states and the Federal Capital Territory, who were never conquered or were never largely ruled by the Sokoto Caliphate or the Kanem-Borno Empire prior to British colonisation.
Put plainly, the Middle Belt consists of the autochthonous peoples of Northern Nigeria who are neither Hausa, Fulani, nor Kanuri, and who historically existed outside the authority of Islamic caliphates, notwithstanding some pockets of Emirate enclaves among it. This is not opinion; it is an established historical fact.

Long before colonial rule, the Middle Belt was home to sovereign empires, kingdoms, chiefdoms, and complex stateless societies whose political systems predated the 19th-century jihads by centuries. Among the most prominent was the Kwararafa Confederacy, centred in the Gongola – Benue Valley. Between the 18th and 19th centuries, Kwararafa repeatedly defeated and humiliated Hausa city-states such as Kano and Zaria and even challenged Kanem-Borno, long before Usman dan Fodio’s jihad of 1804.

Other well-documented polities include the Igala Kingdom, Jukun states, Nupe Kingdom, and countless Tiv, Idoma, Gbagyi, Birom, Angas, Lelna, Bwatye, Eggon, and Goemai societies among hundreds of others – each with distinct political traditions, land tenure systems, and military histories. They had a common solidarity hinged on wading off Islamisation and genocidal slave raids.

COLONIAL CONQUEST AND FORCED SUBORDINATION.

The author inadvertently exposes his argument’s weakness when he ignores a crucial colonial reality: the British conquered the Muslim emirates with relative ease, largely by co-opting existing centralized hierarchies. In contrast, Middle Belt societies resisted British conquest fiercely.

British colonial records, by administrators such as Frederick Lugard and C.L. Temple, document prolonged military campaigns, punitive expeditions, and scorched-earth tactics used against Middle Belt communities from the early 1900s to the 1920s. This resistance is precisely why the British imposed Indirect Rule by force, subordinating Middle Belt peoples to Fulani and Kanuri emirs they had never known, accepted, or recognized.
That imposition,nnot foreign conspiracy, is the historical root of Middle Belt political consciousness.

THE COLONIAL FALLACY OF “NON-EXISTENCE”.

The article’s reliance on colonial maps and constitutions to argue that the Middle Belt did not exist before the 1940s is intellectually indefensible. Colonial documents recognized what served imperial administration, not indigenous reality. By that logic, countless African nations and identities would vanish simply because Europeans failed, or refused, to acknowledge them.
Even then, the claim is factually weak. The term “Middle Belt” appears descriptively in colonial correspondence as early as the first decade of the 20th century, used by administrators and missionaries to describe the non-emirate central zone of Northern Nigeria. The British deliberately refused to create a Middle Belt Region, not because it lacked coherence, but because doing so would weaken the numerical and political dominance of the Hausa-Fulani-Kanuri oligarchy that sustained Indirect Rule.
The agitation for recognition therefore predates independence; it merely became organized in the 1950s.

THE UMBC AND THE MYTH OF FOREIGN MANIPULATION.

The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) under Joseph Sarwuan Tarka did not invent the Middle Belt identity. It articulated long-standing grievances: land dispossession, political exclusion, cultural suppression, force labour, and religious discrimination.
To dismiss the UMBC as a tool of missionaries or foreign interests is not only false but insulting. Middle Belt people and leaders were among the most educated and politically sophisticated Nigerians of their generation, many trained in Britain and elite Nigerian institutions well before independence. They required no NGO or missionary to understand injustice they lived daily.

The historical record, petitions against Native Authority abuses, resistance to emirate taxation, land struggles, and demands for self-rule, is open to anyone willing to read honestly.

THE CONTEMPORARY MOMENT.

Today’s Middle Belt movement is neither separatist nor violent. It is a demand for recognition, equity, and freedom from an imposed Arewa identity that neither reflects its history nor aligns with its values. The Middle Belt does not deny the existence of Northern Nigeria; it rejects the falsehood that Northern Nigeria is synonymous with the Middle Belt.
What has long been marketed as “Northern unity” has, in truth, been a forced political marriage, sustained by coercion rather than consent.
Increasingly, the Middle Belt is stating what history has always known: this union was never voluntary!
If language must be blunt, then so be it, this relationship has often resembled political rape, and the survivors have finally found their voice.

2027 AND THE PANIC OF DECLINING HEGEMONY.

The fear driving this revisionist essay is understandable. The once-boasted “monolithic Northern voting bloc” is fracturing. Demographics, political awareness, and historical truth are converging.
For the first time, Nigeria’s political establishment is confronting an uncomfortable reality: the Middle Belt is the decisive factor in national politics.

THE MIDDLE BELT, RELIGION, AND THE COLLAPSE OF OLD MYTHS.

A recurring propaganda tactic is to label the Middle Belt a “Bible Belt,” as though its political awakening is a sectarian religious project. This claim is demonstrably false. The Middle Belt has always been religiously plural, home to Christians, Muslims, and adherents of African traditional religions for centuries. Even institutionally, the Middle Belt Forum (MBF) disproves this caricature: its Board of Trustees and National Working Committee include Muslims, reflecting the region’s inclusive ethos. While it is true that the Middle Belt today is predominantly Christian, largely due to historical resistance to jihadist conquest and the voluntary embrace of Christianity, majority faith does not translate into religious extremism. The Middle Belt struggle is not about imposing religion; it is about ending political subjugation, cultural erasure, and systemic inequality. Reducing this legitimate quest to sectarianism is not analysis but propaganda.

Demise of the Hausa/Fulani Amalgam.

Equally misleading is the continued use of the term “Hausa-Fulani” as though it remains a coherent political or cultural bloc. Increasingly, Hausa intellectuals and opinion leaders reject this forced amalgam, insisting that there is Hausa land and there is the Middle Belt, but no natural or “Arewa” identity. The very terms “Northern Nigeria” and “Arewa” now irritate many enlightened Hausa voices who recognize them as tools historically used to sustain Fulani political dominance and economic exploitation. Recent events have further exposed this fracture: widespread violence by Fulani bandits against Hausa rural communities has shattered the illusion of a shared destiny. For decades, the Hausa masses were mobilized as demographic instruments against Middle Belt minorities; today, they are confronting the reality that they too have borne the costs of an unjust hierarchy. What is unfolding is not a Middle Belt conspiracy, but the collapse of an artificial political fiction. History, not agitation, has caught up with it.

Dr: Pogu Bitrus is the President of the Middle Belt Forum (MBF) and hails from Chibok, Southern Borno.

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China’s bag charm economy: small accessories, big cultural impact

Published

23 hours ago

February 14, 2026

milcah

By Lin Lili, Hong Qiuting, Qi Zhiming, People’s Daily

From plush vinyl dolls in diverse shapes and museum-inspired cultural creations to unique souvenirs from scenic areas — an array of accessories now dangle from the backpacks of young people across China.
Portable and lightweight, bag charms are gaining increasing popularity among Chinese consumers. The ever-evolving designs of these small ornaments have fueled a consumption boom, supported by robust industrial clusters, and are now advancing through coordinated efforts in global expansion—together shaping the emerging “bag-charm economy.”
At a Beijing designer toy store, shoppers enthusiastically pose with Wakuku characters, sharing photos on social media. “Key features such as small size, affordability and emotional resonance align perfectly with young people’s lifestyles,” said Hong Yong, an associate researcher at the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation under the Ministry of Commerce.
He observes that emotion-driven consumption has shifted priorities: young buyers now prioritize products delivering joy, belonging, and self-expression over pure utility.
As Chinese New Year approached, Nanjing resident Wu Wenjing purchased outfits not just for family, but for her Labubu charm. “I match charms to my mood and outfits,” she explains. “Sometimes they feel like emotional codes — shared recognition sparks instant connections.”
Liang Mei, president of the China Toy and Juvenile Products Association, observed that bag charms offer young people moments of everyday delight through a relatively relaxed consumption model. By fostering emotional connections, they help form interest-based communities with a shared sense of identity. At the same time, collaboration with well-known intellectual properties (IPs) and user participation in co-creation continue to inject vitality into the market.
Manufacturing Innovation Dongguan, China’s “designer toy capital,” anchors the global industry with over 4,000 manufacturers and 1,500 supporting enterprises. Its complete industrial chain covers design, production, IP licensing, and sales.
At the headquarters of a toy manufacturer in Chashan township, Dongguan, a team of 10 designers was discussing design drafts for a “Baku” series of bag charms.
“This China-chic bag charm blends traditional Chinese colors and auspicious symbols with modern design. Inspired by the mythical ‘Baku — a creature said to devour nightmares and bring sweet dreams — it carries the wish that all good dreams may come true in the coming year,” explained Wu Qiaomei, brand marketing director involved in the project.
She noted that from concept finalization to detail refinement, the initial design draft takes about 15 days to complete, with the sample workshop then needing another three to five days to produce the first plush prototype.
“With in-house manufacturing capabilities, we maintain flexibility in production coordination and scheduling,” Wu added. “From design confirmation to mass shipment, the entire process can be completed within about 30 days,”
With diverse styles and ever-changing market trends, bag charms call for agile production response. The consumer-end enthusiasm is fundamentally supported by a supply-side shift — from mass manufacturing to flexible customization. The robust production capacity within the toy industry provides the essential foundation for the rapid adaptation and output of these accessories.
In the past, producing a plastic toy required mold development costing tens of thousands of yuan, necessitating mass production runs of tens to hundreds of thousands of units to lower per-unit cost.
Today, smart manufacturing and digital workshops have made small-batch production truly feasible — minimum orders as low as 50 units or batch productions of merely 100 pieces are now readily achievable, with even single custom toys possible through 3D printing.
Labubu has sparked a worldwide trend in collectible art toys. Following the success of the animated film Nobody, bag charms featuring its characters sold out repeatedly after going viral overnight. Meanwhile, charms shaped like traditional Chinese herbs — such as goji berries, red dates, and red sage — have captivated overseas consumers with their creative designs and distinctive Eastern aesthetic.
Time magazine in the United States noted that China’s new generation of trendy toys is reshaping the international image of “Made in China” by telling stories rooted in local IPs and showcasing distinctive aesthetics.
In the first half of 2025, Chinese toy company Pop Mart recorded triple-digit growth in markets across Southeast Asia, Europe and the Americas, with growth in the Americas exceeding tenfold. The company’s global store count has now surpassed 570.
Products from HERE have reached nearly 20 countries and regions — including North America, Europe, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East — via distribution channels. Li Peng, Chairman of HERE, noted, “Breaking down cultural barriers through localized creation and building emotional bonds with global consumers are key to helping Chinese brands move beyond manufacturing and build greater brand value.”
Looking ahead, as more Chinese flagship products and brands go global, these small charms, infused with Chinese creativity and emotion, are poised to tell ever more compelling Chinese stories on the world stage.

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How to Apply for the Federal Government’s ₦300,000 FarmerMoni Loan as Portal Opens Nationwide

Published

2 days ago

February 13, 2026

Our Reporter

Fabian Apechihin

The Federal Government has officially opened the Government Enterprise and Empowerment Programme (GEEP) FarmerMoni portal for the 2025/2026 cycle, offering interest-free and collateral-free loans of up to ₦300,000 to smallholder farmers across Nigeria. The initiative is designed to help farmers purchase seeds, fertilisers, and essential equipment ahead of the new farming season.

The scheme aims to increase agricultural productivity, boost rural incomes, and enhance food security nationwide.

Speaking at the launch of the Renewed Hope GEEP 3.0 and the FarmerMoni Technical Working Group in Abuja on Wednesday, February 11, 2026, Hamza Baba, National Programme Manager of GEEP under NSIPA, announced that the application portal is now open to qualified farmers.

He emphasised that the loan is completely interest-free and does not require collateral, adding that it primarily targets vulnerable and low-income farmers at the grassroots level.

₦300,000 Per Farmer, No Collateral Required

According to Baba, each successful applicant can access up to ₦300,000. He explained that the loan amount reflects the current economic realities of different farming activities.

He also clarified that the programme is strictly for farmers who are already engaged in agricultural activities. It is not open to individuals who are new to farming.

Eligibility Requirements

Applicants must meet the following conditions:

Nationality: Must be a Nigerian citizen.
Age: Must be 18 years or older.
Farming Status: Must already be actively involved in farming.
Land Access: Must own or lease farmland.
Cooperative Membership: Must belong to a registered farming cooperative or association within their local government area.
Identification: Must have a valid National Identification Number (NIN) and Bank Verification Number (BVN).

How to Apply

Eligible farmers can register through either of the following methods:

1. Online Registration (Preferred Method)

Visit the official GEEP portal: https://geep.nsipa.gov.ng
Fill in your personal information, including full name, phone number, and location.
Provide your NIN and BVN.
Indicate your type of farming (crop production, poultry, aquaculture, or livestock).
Submit the completed application form.

2. Physical (Manual) Registration

Visit the National Orientation Agency (NOA) office or the GEEP Desk Officer at your Local Government Area secretariat.
Complete the physical registration form provided.

Loan Details

Maximum Loan Amount: ₦300,000
Interest Rate: 0% (Interest-free)
Collateral: Not required
Repayment Plan: Six-month repayment period after a three-month moratorium (grace period)

Important Guidelines

Beware of Fraud: Registration is completely free. Do not pay anyone to process your application.
Cooperative Membership: While individual applications are allowed, joining a registered cooperative is strongly encouraged.
Accurate Information: Ensure your NIN, BVN, and farm details are correct to avoid disqualification.

Farmers are encouraged to apply promptly to take advantage of the opportunity and prepare adequately for the upcoming farming season.

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Ex-chair of Kwara Correspondents’ chapel, Layi Olarewaju, is dead

Published

2 days ago

February 13, 2026

Our Reporter

As Saraki mourns

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

Former Chairman of the Kwara State Correspondents’ Chapel, Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kwara Council, Comrade Layi Olarewaju, is dead. Until his death, he was the Kwara correspondent of the SUN newspapers.

He passed on Friday morning at a private hospital in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, after a brief illness.

A statement jointly signed by the Chairman and Secretary of the Correspondents’ Chapel, Biola Azeez and Mosunmola Ayobami respectively, described the deceased as a loyal and committed member who had immensely contributed to the growth and development of the elite Chapel.

“It’s with heavy heart but in total submission to the will of the Almighty God we announce the death of a committed elder and former chairman of Correspondent’s Chapel of the Nigeria Union of Journalists NUJ Kwara Council, Comrade Layi Olarewaju.

“Comrade Olarewaju, the Sun newspaper Correspondent in Kwara died this morning, Friday, at a private hospital after a brief illness.

“His commitment, unifying attribute and journalism wealth of experience will be sorely missed.

“The Chapel prays God Almighty to console the family, associates, friends and give them the fortitude to bear this irreparable loss,” the statement added.

Meanwhile, the former Senate President, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki, has expressed deep sorrow over the passing of Mr. Emmanuel Olayiwola Olanrewaju.

In a statement issued by his Press Officer on Local Matters, Abdulganiyu Abdulqadir, Saraki described the death of the veteran journalist as shocking, painful, and a great loss to the media profession in Kwara State and beyond.

He noted that the late Olayiwola was a dedicated, diligent, and professional journalist who carried out his duties with commitment and integrity, contributing immensely to the growth of journalism in the state.

Saraki extended his heartfelt condolences to the immediate family of the deceased, the Kwara State Correspondents’ Chapel, the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kwara State Chapter, and the entire media practitioners in the state over this irreparable loss.

He prayed that Almighty God grants the deceased eternal rest and gives his immediate family and colleagues the strength and fortitude to bear the loss.