Connect with us

Opinion

Obla’s Trial: When The Hunter Becomes The Hunted

Published

on

By Nicholas Ejendi

It appears the last may not have been heard of the legal standoff between Godwin Obla (SAN), one of Nigeria’s foremost ex-prosecutors, and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the same organisation that Obla enthusiastically represented for several years, resulting in the recovery of several assets worth billions of naira and various landmark decisions in favour of the EFCC.

Despite these feats, the former EFCC prosecutor is currently standing trial alongside Justice Rita Ofili-Ajumogobia before the Federal High Court, Lagos Division in Charge No: FHC/139C/19.

But, Obla has urged the Court to quash the charge filed against him by the EFCC for being an abuse of court process, or in the alternative, to permit his separate trial on Counts 1, 2 and 3 of the Charge which, according to him, are the only counts of the 18-count charge which affect him.

Obla’s application is premised on the fact that an appeal is currently pending at the Court of Appeal, Lagos Division on the outcome of a previous trial at the Lagos State High Court in respect of the same subject matter as the charge now before the Federal High Court.

In a Motion on Notice filed by his lawyer, Chief Ifedayo Adedipe (SAN), he urged the court to quash the charge or in the alternative split the charge by permitting his separate trial on Counts 1, 2 and 3 of the Charge.

This application is premised on the fact that, by a notice of appeal dated and filed on 16th April 2019, Obla had appealed the decision of the Lagos State High Court. This notice of appeal, according to Adedipe, was served on the EFCC on the same day but the EFCC on 17th April 2019 still proceeded to file the current charge before the Federal High Court.

Adedipe submitted that continuing with Obla’s trial during the pendency of his appeal will be an abuse of court process because “counts 1,2 and 3 of the charge before the court are in respect of the exact same subject matter of counts 1,2,3 and 4 of the amended information filed at the Lagos State High Court in charge no: ID/3671c/16 and form the substance of the subject matter of the 2nd defendant/applicant’s pending appeal in appeal no: CA/LAG/CR/517/2019.”

Adedipe argued that the filing and continuation of Obla’s trial in the charge before the Federal High Court by the EFCC on the same subject matter as his pending appeal is calculated to overreach him in the prosecution of his appeal and to render the outcome of that appeal worthless.

It would be recalled that the EFCC had previously dragged Justice Rita Ofili-Ajumogobia and Godwin Obla before Justice Hakeem Oshodi of the Lagos State High Court, Ikeja, on a 31-Count Amended Information dated 21st February 2018. The prosecution had initially arraigned the Defendants on a 30-count Information dated November 17, 2016.

During the trial, EFCC called 14 witnesses and eventually closed its case on 14th September 2018. Obla immediately responded to the closure of the prosecution’s case by filing a no case submission on the same date (14th September 2018), seeking an order of acquittal on the ground that the prosecution had not made out a sufficient case to warrant a defence.

Also, Justice Ajumogobia in her defense, challenged the jurisdiction of the court on the ground that, being a judicial officer and by virtue of the judgment of the Court of Appeal in the case of NGANJIWA V FRN (delivered on 11th December 2017), the charge against her could not have been filed until after disciplinary action by the National Judicial Council. Not a few persons were surprised when the EFCC’s Counsel, Rotimi Oyedepo, in his response to Justice Ajumogobia’s objection, conceded to the absence of jurisdiction and in fact urged the court to strike out the charge and discharge the defendants.

Thus, after more than two years of trial, Justice H. Oshodi on 16th April 2019 delivered a ruling striking out the charge before the Lagos High Court and held that based on the judicial precedent set by the case of Nganjiwa V. FRN, the High Court lacked jurisdiction to hear the suit, as the EFCC “jumped the gun” in filing the Amended Information.

The Court also had some harsh words in its ruling for the prosecution counsel and the EFCC for what the Court described as their “unfortunate” conduct in the trial.

Apparently, miffed at the conduct of EFCC, Justice Oshodi stated “one would have thought that the prosecution would have urged the court to strike out the case as a consequence of the decision of the Court of Appeal. But no! The Prosecution still persisted, like a bull running amok, amended the Information and called two further witnesses. It ought to be pointed out for record purpose that a counsel is a minister in the temple of justice and as an officer of the court, a counsel has a duty to assist the court rather than mislead it’’.

The scathing remarks made by the Justice Oshodi in his ruling marked an extraordinary denouement to a trial which appeared to have generated an unusual media frenzy.

Obla, for the five years he was prosecuting for the EFCC, consistently moved from one courtroom to the other prosecuting corruption-related cases for the EFCC and obtaining the forfeiture of cash and assets running into several billions of Naira. However, as soon as new leadership was appointed to head the anti-graft commission, the table turned, and he became the hunted.

First, he was severally invited over his perceived role in the Halliburton case- for which he was appointed by the former Attorney General Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke, as part of the legal team which negotiated the plea bargain agreements with the companies involved in the scandal, which culminated in the recovery of the sum of $200million for the Federal Government of Nigeria.

When it looked like the EFCC would not succeed in establishing a case of wrongdoing against him in that case, the now-defunct charge before the Lagos State High Court was filed.

Again, less than 24 hours after the charge filed at the Lagos State High Court was struck out for lack of jurisdiction and after Obla appealed to the Court of Appeal, the EFCC proceeded to file the current charge before the Federal High Court on the same offences alleged in the previous charge.

One question which has emerged on the front burner of discourse in the aftermath of the EFCC’s treatment of Obla is; what is the fate of other prosecutors for the Commission? This question undoubtedly flows from the supposition that a prosecutor who sees to the diligent, professional and unrelenting prosecution of economic and financial crimes against several politically-exposed persons at great personal expense, may eventually find himself on the receiving end of the EFCC’s use of power.

If the allegations made by Godwin Obla in his suit against the EFCC at the FCT High Court are anything to go by, the EFCC has not only refused to pay his professional fees and settle his expenses for the over 40 cases he had successfully handled for the Commission.

While the outcome of the legal battle between Obla SAN and EFCC remains to be seen, it can only be hoped that the unfolding scenario will not damage the erstwhile fruitful relationship between prosecutors and the EFCC; and will not irredeemably affect the effectiveness of the anti-corruption campaign of the current administration.

• Nicholas Ejendi writes from Lagos

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

Published

on


By: Fabian Apechihin

Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.

In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.

“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.

She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.

“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.

Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.

On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).

However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.

“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”


Let me know if you’d like a more formal or more opinionated version.

Continue Reading

Crime

The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

Published

on

By: Fabian Apechihin


For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.

At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.

While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.

The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.

Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.

Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:

  1. Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
  2. Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
  3. Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
  4. Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
  5. Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
  6. Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.

Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.

According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.

Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.

The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.


Would you like this version adapted further for a newspaper editorial, op-ed, or speech format?

Continue Reading

Opinion

The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

Published

on


By: A G Abubakar

The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!

The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.

Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.

The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.

Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.

Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.

It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.

For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.

Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.

The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.

Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.

Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.

The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.

The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2017 Zox News Theme. Theme by MVP Themes, powered by WordPress.