Opinion

Between EFCC and ex-prosecutor Obla: Prosecution or Persecution?

Published

7 years ago

June 12, 2019

By Kenneth Atavti

The trajectory of the recently terminated trial of Chief Godwin Obla, an ex-prosecutor with the EFCC, before the Lagos State High Court by the very same Commission he acted for over the course of several years undoubtedly raises some interesting issues for any keen observer.

It would be recalled that the EFCC had previously dragged a former Judge of the Federal High Court of Nigeria, Justice Rita Ofili-Ajumogobia and Godwin Obla (SAN) before Justice Hakeem Oshodi of the Lagos State High Court, Ikeja, on a 31-Count Amended Information dated 21st February 2018.

The prosecution had initially arraigned the Defendants on a 30-count Information dated November 17, 2016. The trial before the Lagos State High Court spanned more than two (2) years and came up on more than 22 separate dates between 28th November 2018 and 16th April 2019 as follows: 28th November 2016, 8th December 2016, 9th January 2017, 30th January 2017,10th March 2017, 17th March 2017, 28th April 2017, 26th May 2017, 1st June 2017, 6th July 2018, 29th September 2017, 10th November 2017, 26th January 2018, 23rd February 2018, 23rd March 2018, 20th April 2018, 25th May 2018, 8th June 2018, 14th September 2018, 2nd November 2018, 14th December 2018, 25th January 2019 and 16th April 2019.

At the Lagos High Court, the EFCC called 14 witnesses and eventually closed its case on 14th September 2018. In response, Obla filed a no case submission urging the court to discharge and acquit him on the allegations in the charge on the ground that the prosecution had not made out a prima facie case against him.

On her part, Hon. Justice Ajumogobia thereafter raised an objection to the jurisdiction on the ground that, being a judicial officer and by virtue of the judgment of the Court of Appeal in the case of NGANJIWA V FRN (delivered on 11th December 2017), the charge against her could not have been filed until after disciplinary action by the National Judicial Council. Not a few persons were surprised when the EFCC’s Counsel, Rotimi Oyedepo, in his response to Hon. Justice Ajumogobia’s objection, hurriedly conceded to the absence of jurisdiction and in fact urged the court to strike out the charge and discharge the defendants.

It is noteworthy that Obla contended that, not being a judicial officer, the court had jurisdiction over him and ought to proceed with the severance of the charge to allow for his separate trial. Curiously, the EFCC which initiated the trial in the first place vehemently opposed this application and instead urged the court to discharge both defendants in the charge. It could be asked whether the EFCC’s opposition to Obla’s application to continue with his trial is not proof that the EFCC was not necessarily interested in the speedy and conclusive trial of Obla as much as it was in maintaining a media campaign to discredit him and damage his professional reputation.

Eventually, after more than two years of trial, Justice H. Oshodi on 16th April 2019 delivered a ruling striking out the charge before the Lagos High Court and held that based on the judicial precedent set by the case of Nganjiwa V. FRN, the High Court lacked jurisdiction to hear the suit, as the EFCC “jumped the gun” in filing the Amended Information.

The Court also had some harsh words in its ruling for the prosecution counsel and the EFCC for what the Court described as their “unfortunate” conduct in the trial as follows:
“Before concluding, the Court will want to make one or two comments.
As noted above, the Prosecution, as at Monday 11th December 2017 was aware, as a result of the decision of the Court of Appeal in HON. JUSTICE HYELADZIRA NGANJIWA V FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA (Supra) that the Court lacked jurisdiction to entertain the criminal action filed against the 1st Defendant. As a t that day, the 1st Amended Information was yet to eb filed. As at that day, the 12th (twelfth) witness for the Prosecution was still giving evidence. One would have thought that the Prosecution would have urged the Court to strike out the case as a consequence of the decision of the Court of Appeal.

But no! the Prosecution still persisted, like a bull running amok, amended the Information and called 2 (two) further witnesses.

It ought to be pointed out for record purpose that a counsel is a minister in the temple of justice and as an officer of the Court, a counsel has a duty to assist the Court rather than mislead it. In other climes, where learned counsel that find themselves in such a position, as an officer of the court, will have brought a proper application to have the case abated.

Why the Prosecution went on with proceedings when it is obvious that all what the Court was doing amounted to a nullity is best known to them. Precious judicial time had been wasted. Though the Court is aware of the provision of Section 285 (1) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Law 2015, which is against a Private Prosecutor, it is so unfortunate that in our judicial system, we have still not devised ways and means to condemn a Prosecuting Agency of the Government, be it State or Federal, in a criminal action by the payment of heavy cost in situations as this instance, having in mind that a Defendant will have incurred cost in defending the charge, albeit a worthless charge.

It has to be restated that there is no doubt that a counsel is duty bound to present his clients’ case with utmost devotion. But such devotion must be coloured with professional discretion. In other words, counsel must be the master in the conduct of his client’s case and should not be dictated to by his client as to how to conduct the case. It is in recognition of that authority of counsel that Rules 14(c) and 18(a) of the Rules of Professional Conduct, published as Government Notice No. 69 in Federal Official Gazette No. 5 of 18th January 1980 which deals with how far a lawyer may go in supporting a client’s case and the right of the lawyer to control the incidents of the trial, makes it a provision of a law.

No fear of judicial disfavour of public unpopularity should restrain counsel from the full discharge of his duty. In the judicial forum the client is entitled to expect his lawyer to assert every such remedy or defence. It must however be borne in mind that the great trust of the lawyer is to be performed within and not without the bounds of the law…”

The scathing remarks made by the Hon. Justice Oshodi in his ruling marked an extraordinary denouement to a trial which appeared to have generated an unusual media frenzy, perhaps at the prompting of the EFCC. The media currency given to this trial was so intense that an observer may be forgiven for categorizing it as the usual “media trial”, which the EFCC has often been accused of pursuing, as opposed to court-based evidence.

The trial before the Lagos State High Court would seem even more confusing to many Nigerians, when considered against the background of the fact that the Charge centred around a prosecution successfully undertaken by Obla on behalf of the EFCC against a former MD of NIMASA. The charge alleged that Obla bribed a Federal High Court Judge, Justice Rita Ofili-Ajumogobia with N5 million to pervert the course of justice and to secure conviction in Charge No.: FHC/L/C/482C/10 between the Federal Republic of Nigeria v. Raymond Temisan Omatseye. Curiously, the Charge itself filed against Obla was silent in mentioning the names of the parties in Charge No. FHC/L/C/482C/10. This would appear to be because it would have interested the public to know that it was an EFCC matter.

In counts one to four on the charge sheet filed at the Lagos High Court, Obla was said to have offered gratification in the said sum, by transferring the money from his company’s account Obla & Co., domiciled with the United Bank for Africa (UBA), to Nigel & Colive Ltd. The said transfer was alleged to have been made in order to restrain a public officer from acting in exercise of her official duties.

But Obla has since denied the allegation, saying that the payment of N5 million under reference was a payment he made to a company named Nigel & Colive Nigeria Ltd, for the purchase of building materials for his construction site in Abuja. This position was conveyed in a widely circulated Press Release issued by Obla and published in several national dailies on the 9th of November 2016. Obla further clarified that at that material time of the said commercial transaction and till date, he had no knowledge that Justice Ajumogobia had any interest whatsoever in the company.

Interestingly, the EFCC alleged that Obla paid a bribe of N5 million in the case of FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA v. RAYMOND TEMISAN OMATSEYE- in which Obla acted as the prosecutor for the EFCC and which commenced in 2010 and terminated in 2016. This prosecution resulted in a landmark conviction of a former Director-General of NIMASA on allegations of approving contracts in excess of lawful thresholds and other infractions under the Public Procurement Act.

Importantly, the conviction of Mr. Raymond Omatseye was very significant in the fight against corruption and was widely celebrated as the first conviction ever secured by the EFCC under the Public Procurement Act 2007. This was evidently the reason for the EFCC’s celebration of this conviction/Judgment. For instance, the EFCC in its Press Release dated 20th May 2016 which appears on its website www.efccnigeria.org commented on the Judgment as follows:

“After five years of grueling legal battle, justice is finally served as a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos today convicted a former Director General of the Nigeria Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, NIMASA, Mr. Temisan Omatseye.

Justice Rita Ofili- Ajumogobia in a landmark ruling convicted the former DG on 25 of the 27-count charge bordering on alleged contract variation, bid rigging and awarding contract above his approval limit which violates the provisions of the Public Procurement Act, brought against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.”

Again, on May 27 2016, the Acting Chairman of the EFCC, whilst speaking at the launch of the “Clean Hands Against Corruption Campaign” at the Eagle Square in Abuja alluded to the conviction of Raymond Omatseye as one of the “140 convictions the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has secured in six months.”

It is indeed curious that the same EFCC which lauded the conviction of Raymond Omatseye made a complete volte face to allege that the conviction was secured as a result of “perversion of justice”, more so as no indication has been given as to whatever motivation Obla might have had to pay a bribe to secure a conviction in a case investigated and presented by the EFCC itself.

By alleging before the Lagos High Court that Obla attempted to “pervert the course of justice” in the case of FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA v. RAYMOND TEMISAN OMATSEYE, was the EFCC contending that the former NIMASA MD ought not to have been convicted, and instead ought to have been discharged and acquitted? If that is the case, it raises pertinent questions about the investigatory and prosecutorial modus operandi of the Commission; as to whether it randomly embarks on prosecutions where it believes the suspect is innocent, whilst proceeding to waste precious public funds in the process.

Again, at the same time as Obla’s prosecution at the Lagos High Court was ongoing for an alleged perversion of justice in the case of FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA v. RAYMOND TEMISAN OMATSEYE, the EFCC was at the Court of Appeal defending that judgment. Invariably, whilst the EFCC was at the Lagos High Court seeking Obla’s conviction for perverting the course of justice in Omatseye’s case, the EFCC was also at the Court of Appeal defending the validity of the conviction in that case and urging the Court of Appeal to sustain it. Surely, this major ambivalence on the same matter as to whether it is a perversion of justice or not raises more questions than answers.

Unfortunately, Obla was ultimately denied the opportunity to clear his name of the allegations at the Lagos High Court, as the charge was struck out for lack of jurisdiction. Obla has however appealed the decision of the Lagos High Court to merely discharge him instead of making an order of acquittal. Strangely, the EFCC, with uncharacteristic speed and in less than 24 hours after the charge filed at the Lagos State High Court was struck out for lack of jurisdiction and after Obla appealed to the Court of Appeal, proceeded to file another charge in Charge No: FHC/139C/19 against Obla and Ajumogobia- this time before the Federal High Court- on the same offences alleged in the previous charge struck out by the Lagos High Court.

Obla’s travails at the hand of the EFCC- an organization he served as a frontline prosecutor for over five years may not be unconnected with a persecution agenda harboured by some elements within the Commission who have a score to settle with him. The circumstances of his case appear to lend credence to this perspective. Obla, for the five years he was prosecuting for the EFCC, consistently moved from one courtroom to the other prosecuting corruption-related cases for the EFCC and obtaining the forfeiture of cash and assets running into several billions of Naira. However, as soon as a new leadership was appointed to head the anti-graft commission, the table turned, and he became the hunted.

First, he was severally invited over his perceived role in the Halliburton case- for which he was appointed by the former Attorney General Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke, as part of the legal team which negotiate the plea bargain agreements with the companies involved in the scandal, which culminated in the recovery of the sum of $200million for the Federal Government of Nigeria. When it looked like the EFCC would not succeed in establishing a case of wrongdoing against him in that case, the now-defunct charge before the Lagos State High Court was filed.

Obla’s travails may not also be unconnected with his suit against the EFCC before the Hon. Justice V.B. Ashi of the High Court of the FCT in SUIT NO: CV/3220/2017 where he is asking for outstanding professional fees owed to him by the EFCC over the period of 5 years to the tune of over N 685,389,928.10 (Six Hundred and Eighty-Five Million, Three Hundred and Eighty-Nine Thousand, Nine Hundred and Twenty-Eight Naira and 10 Kobo). This suit, according to sources, has seriously rattled the EFCC which has reportedly been unable to present any convincing rebuttal of the claim and the considerable evidence presented by Obla in its support.

It is a mystery that after years of seemingly meritorious service to the EFCC in various capacities, particularly as prosecutor in no less than 40 cases involving economic and financial crimes and securing convictions, the EFCC has chosen to treat him with disdain. It remains to be seen whether the pendulum of justice will eventually swing in Obla’s favour.

Opinion

THE BOLD SHIFT:BETWEEN REFORMS ANDTHE REALITY OF THE BROKEN EGGS:

Published

18 hours ago

October 27, 2026

Our Reporter

By: Soknan Shedul
Every great nation reaches a crossroads where it must choose between temporary comfort or permanent prosperity. For decades, Nigeria was kept on artificial life support by policies that drained our national wealth to enrich a select few.

When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu stepped forward, he promised a country built on real economic truth.

Through the Renewed Hope Agenda,
his administration is making the difficult, courageous choices needed to stop the bleeding and secure the future for every citizen.

Although the shockwaves of reform is still very much with us, the evidence is clear: the bold choices made to remove the fuel subsidy and unify the foreign exchange market are finally unlocking the wealth of our nation and returning it directly to the people.

FROM WASTE TO WEALTH: RETURNING BILLIONS TO LOCAL COMMUNITIES.
For years, trillions of Naira vanished into corrupt fuel subsidies and uneven currency exchange markets. That era is over. The unified Naira has stabilized within a tight corridor, and Nigeria’s external reserves have surged past $55 billion—giving us over 11 months of solid import cover.
More importantly, the money saved from the subsidy is no longer locked in Abuja or pocketed by speculators.

The Federation Account allocation to state and local governments (FAAC) has skyrocketed from ₦3.4 trillion in 2022 to an unprecedented ₦11.38 trillion, a massive 232% increase. This means your local community now has the direct financial power to build better roads, upgrade healthcare facilities, and fund real grassroots development.

INVESTING IN YOUR FAMILY:
EDUCATION, JOBS, AND
TAX RELIEF; Real economic growth is measured by how it lifts up families. The administration has matched its structural reforms with historic, direct relief programs designed to safeguard the middle class and protect the vulnerable:

KEEPING EDUCATION ALIVE: The Nigerian Education loan Fund has moved from a vision to a massive success. It has disbursed over ₦322 billion, directly supporting more than 1.6 million student applications with interest-free academic loans and monthly upkeep allowances across 354 institutions. Single institutions, such as Ekiti State University, have received billions at once to instantly wipe out the tuition debt of over 10,000 students.

UNPRECEDENTED TAX RELIEF FOR SMALL BUSINESSES: To protect local employment, over 200 confusing legacy levies have been slashed down to roughly 60. Crucially, the administration has completely exempted small businesses with annual turnovers under ₦50M–₦100M from paying corporate income tax, ensuring local shop owners, traders, and entrepreneurs keep their doors open and their profits in their pockets.

A FAIR MINIMUM WAGE: The administration has implemented the new ₦70,000 national minimum wage, anchoring a comprehensive effort to lift the baseline earning power of our public workers and strengthen household purchasing power nationwide.

SECURITY RESTRUCTURING:
RECLAIMING OUR COMMUNITIES.
Economic prosperity cannot exist without physical safety. Recognizing that our nation’s progress depends on secure communities, President Tinubu has authorized the most aggressive expansion of internal and external defense frameworks in modern Nigerian history:

TAKING BACK THE STREETS WITH STATE POLICE: Moving past rigid, distant federal command structures, the executive State Police constitutional framework has advanced rapidly through the National Assembly. Backed by the brand-new National Policing Bill, this landmark reform ensures that local officers—who intimately understand your neighborhood’s unique vulnerabilities—are empowered to protect your community under strict federal safeguards and standardized professional criteria.
This in addition to the recruitment of forest guards to man our forests.

A MASSIVE 50% MILITARY EXPANSION: To eliminate banditry and secure our critical agricultural zones, the administration has expanded the Nigerian Army from 8 to 12 field divisions. Supported by 28,000 newly recruited personnel, these new commands are strategically placed across vital regions—including Makurdi, Ilorin, Jalingo, and Benin City—to permanently clear out ungoverned spaces, protect our agrarian belts, and allow our farmers to safely return to their lands.

THE INFRASTRUCTURAL DRIVE: CONNECTING THE NATION FOR SHARED WEALTH: The administration of President Bola Tinubu is pursuing an aggressive infrastructure agenda institutionalized primarily through-
The Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund (RHIDF)- Moving away from fragmented, small-scale construction, the government’s approach focuses on building expansive economic corridors designed to link regional agricultural hubs, heavy mining deposits, and commercial zones directly with maritime export ports.

THE LAGOS – CALABAR COASTAL HIGHWAY: This monumental project is a 700–750 km modern concrete-technology expressway designed to span nine coastal states, linking major industrial zones, oil-producing regions, and commercial hubs directly along Nigeria’s Atlantic coastline.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE: By directly connecting production and marketing centers for over 30 million people, this highway unlocks massive maritime trade, tourism, and real estate potential. Its advanced concrete design ensures long-term structural durability, drastically reducing vehicle maintenance costs and slashing travel times for commercial freight moving between southwestern and south-southern ports.

THE SOKOTO- BADAGRY SUPERHIGHWAY: This 1,000 km North-South transit artery connects Nigeria’s northern borders down to the southwestern coast, strategically designed to establish a seamless, high-speed logistical link that completely bypasses traditionally congested interior routes.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE: This superhighway grants deep northern agricultural zones and solid mineral deposits direct, bottleneck-free access to southwestern export markets and ports. By bridging the vast geographic gap between northern producers and southern consumers, it reduces food spoilage, stabilizes nationwide commodity pricing, and accelerates regional integration.

NATIONAL RAIL & URBAN MASS TRANSIT: The government has historically decentralized rail development by moving it from the Exclusive List to the Concurrent List, alongside approving $2.99 Billion for metropolitan light rail projects like the Lagos Green Line, Kano Metro, and Kaduna Rail. Concurrently, the cross-border Kano-Maradi Railway is being rapidly advanced to anchor the Trans-Saharan trade corridor.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE: Empowering states and the private sector to build rail networks breaks federal monopolies and drives competitive urban development. Affordable mass transit slashes daily commute costs for millions of urban workers, directly boosting city productivity. On a macro scale, the cross-border rail links tap into the landlocked markets of the Sahel, positioning Nigeria as the dominant logistical hub for West African trade.

STRATEGIC REVITALIZATION OF THE OIL AND GAS SECTOR: Far from being neglected, the oil and gas sector is undergoing strategic restructuring under President Tinubu to boost domestic utilization, drive energy security, and accelerate the transition to sustainable fuel:

THE PRESIDENTIAL CNG INITIATIVE
(Pi-CNG): This groundbreaking program serves as a direct strategic buffer against high fuel costs by aggressively accelerating the transition to Compressed Natural Gas. By driving the mass deployment of CNG conversion kits, establishing nationwide refueling infrastructure, and rolling out CNG-powered mass transit buses, the administration is drastically reducing commercial transportation costs across all six geopolitical zones.

DECENTRALIZATION & REFINERIES SUPPORT: The administration altered regulatory policy to ensure domestic crude supply obligations are met—most notably supporting the fully operational Dangote Refinery and advancing the rehabilitation of state-owned refineries (Port Harcourt and Warri) to ensure local fuel sufficiency.

GAS- TO-POWER INFRASTRUCTURE: Accelerated investments are being funneled into the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) Gas Pipeline project and gas processing facilities to anchor industrial clusters across the country, aiming to maximize Nigeria’s 200+ trillion cubic feet of proven gas reserves.

GOVERNMENT HEALTH INTERVENTIONS FOR INDIGENT PATIENTS
To shield the most vulnerable Nigerians from catastrophic healthcare expenses, the government has scaled up targeted social health interventions:

THE BASIC HEALTH CARE PROVISION FUND (BHCPF):
The administration redesigned the BHCPF to channel massive funding directly to over 8,000 Primary Health Care (PHC) centers across the country. A dedicated portion of this fund goes toward providing a basic minimum package of health services for Nigerians who cannot afford health insurance premium payments.

SECTOR-SPECIFIC VULNERABLE GROUP FUNDS: Operating through the
National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA)the government is expanding the Vulnerable Group Fund. This framework subsidizes or fully covers medical insurance premiums for indigent citizens, pregnant women, children under five, and the elderly.

CANCER HEALTH FUND (CHF)
The government maintains and has expanded the CHF initiative, which specifically provides subsidized or fully funded chemotherapy, radiation, and surgical care for indigent cancer patients at designated federal tertiary hospitals across the geopolitical zones.

THE HUMAN COST:
FACING THE REALITY OF THE BROKEN EGGS.
Yet, the ultimate test of structural transformation lies not just in macro-economic data or newly laid concrete, but in the micro-realities of the Nigerian dining table.
There is an undeniable “dark side” to these reform phases—a period of severe economic friction where the removal of structural distortions has translated into high inflation, elevated transportation costs, and a deeply strained cost of living for the average citizen.
Opposition figures and independent civic bodies reason that the viability of these arguments at the ballot box will ultimately depend on whether macro-reforms successfully translate into lowered living costs, improved public security, and heightened citizen prosperity before the election.

While there is a consensus that these hardships are painfully real, leading to widespread frustration across the federation, but in the mathematics of true nation-building, eggs must be broken if the nation is ever to enjoy the omelette of permanent prosperity.

Ultimately, history teaches us that a grand destiny is never forged without friction. We are living through the reality of the broken eggs—the painful, necessary fracturing of an unsustainable, decaying status quo.
But let it be known that these are not the fragments of ruin; they are the shattered shells of a past we had to outgrow.

From the crucible of these fierce reforms, a magnificent new dawn is hatching. The old, fragile shell has been broken precisely so that a resilient, unstoppable economic giant can finally step forth, spread its wings, and claim its rightful dominion in the sun.

GOVT. MUST COME DOWN TO THE MASSES ON THE GROUND; To bridge this critical empathy gap, the government must actively descend from institutional heights and meet the masses on the ground through a radical grassroots communication strategy.

Rather than relying on technical economic bulletins and high-level press briefings from Abuja, the administration needs a decentralized engagement model that uses local town halls, market square interactions, and traditional rulers across all six geopolitical zones and the FCT.

By translating complex policies into indigenous languages and transparently explaining the sequencing of the reforms, the government can transform an imposing policy agenda into a shared, understood national journey.

True public buy-in is built on the visible, direct deployment of safety nets that match the scale of the sacrifices being made.

Persuading the populace to stay the course requires the administration to show exactly where the rescued wealth from these broken eggs is being distributed in real time.

Accelerating the visible rollout of localized relief, lowering food distribution bottlenecks, and showing immediate infrastructural returns in vulnerable communities, will demonstrate that the current economic pain is not a permanent condition, but the unavoidable labor pains of a secure and self-sufficient New Nigeria.

THE COURSE TO PROSPERITY;
The measure of historic leadership has never been found in the comfort of status quo politics, but in the courage to dismantle it.

President Bola Tinubu’s administration has consistently demonstrated the rare political will required to confront Nigeria’s most deeply entrenched distortions head-on. Where previous leadership cycles chose short-term popularity and costly postponements, this presidency has deliberately deployed its political capital to enact structural, surgical reforms.

Beyond the immediate, difficult adjustments of these reforms lies a meticulously designed blueprint for enduring Nigerian prosperity and physical security. The strides taken across his first term are foundational pillars engineered to support a modern, self-sustaining federation.

This is the handiwork of a deft political strategist who understands that true nation-building requires structural strength over superficial praise. President Tinubu’s distinct footsteps clearly point toward a decentralized, economically resilient Nigeria where local government autonomy is respected and every region shares in the commonwealth.

The proof of this vision is already surfacing in our national indicators; Structural transformations do not yield instant miracles, but according to the
National Bureau of statistics, NBS,
the foundations being laid today are rock-solid, with Nigeria’s economy expanding at a resilient 4.43% growth rate while headline inflation continues its steady downward drop.

President Tinubu’s vision refuses to offer cosmetic band-aids, choosing instead to bear the political weight of foundational reforms so that the generations of tomorrow can inherit a stable, thriving economy.

A masterclass in Political Strategy, President Tinibu clearly commands a historic capacity to forge cross-regional alliances, manage complex legislative dynamics, and maintain stability during deep economic shifts as evidence of an unmatched political acumen

As we look toward 2027, the choice before every well-meaning citizen is between returning to the volatile illusions of the past or consolidating the hard-won foundation of a New Nigeria.

True transformation demands patience, continuity, and an unyielding belief in the trajectory now set before us. By standing firmly behind a leader whose courage, visionary reforms, and unmatched political wit have finally unlocked the path to our true potential.

Let us confidently stay the course, protect our shared progress, and vote to accelerate our shared journey toward a prosperous, united, and secure future under the Renewed Hope Agenda – so as to ensure that our temporary sacrifices and pain we have shared yield permanent prosperity.##

soknanshedulishaku@gmail.com.
National coordinator,
Congress of Minority of Northern Nigeria, CMNN.
writes from Abuja.

Opinion

THE PLANED PURPORTED PARALLEL ENDORSEMENT FOR TOMORROW IS NOT IN THE INTEREST OF EGGON BUT THE SELF FEW INDIVIDUALS INTEREST.

Published

4 weeks ago

October 3, 2026

Our Reporter

We wish to let the entire Eggon people both home and diaspora Know of a planned purported endorsement that is about to come up tomorrow being Saturday 3rd October 2026,by some individuals in the name of Eggon critical stakeholders, which is being championed by Hon. Ali Akpandom whom is an identified loyalist to an interested party in the whole of this game (HON. LABARAN MAKU),The same Ali Akpandom was among some selected personalities that went round the state some few weeks ago to make public appeal to APC Stakeholders to pick CHIEF EMMANUEL MICHEAL UMBUGADU as the running mate to the APC Governorship candidate Senator Ahmed Aliyu Wadada.
That singular act alone is not just an action against the interest and the agitation of the majority Eggon nation who clearly stated that we can’t settle for the position of deputy at this time.

Hon Kpandom who already knew clearly that a well respected Eggon arm (EGGON POLITICAL FORUM)That has membership across the three senatorial zones and diaspora already endorsed the Candidature of RT. HON. DR. DAVID EMMANUEL OMBUGADU that is widely celebrated not just among the Eggon but other ethnic nationalities,yet chose to undermine this popular position of the Eggon nation to do otherwise,without any consideration for the posable future negative consequences this act will have on the unity of the Eggon Nation, and by extension the other indigenous people of Nasarawa State looking up to us.
Notwithstanding I wish to call on the attention of all the Eggon sons and daughters both home and diaspora, other ethnic nationalities that are fully ready to support RT. HON. DR. DAVID EMMANUEL OMBUGADU Never to see the soon to be so called parallel endorsements as any form of confusion among the Eggon, but should see it as an attempt by some usual few selfish elites to disrupt Eggon chances of producing a Governor come 2027.

Eggon people have settled for Ombugadu not for any interest but is the most widely acceptable candidate among the six Candidates of Eggon extractions and has gain support and acceptability among other ethnic groups in the state, as such we can’t afford to miss out on this sellable candidate for any other one as it’s going to be an unwise and avoidable error of going to the market with an unsellable candidate while we already have the best at hand.

We wish to call on Elder Ali kpandom and his group to desist from engaging in any act that is capable of inserting serious confusion and lack of mutual consensus among the Eggon people this time because we equally understood that the fate of other ethnic nationalities in Nasarawa state to getting the natives into the seat of Governor lies in the unity and mutual consensus of the Eggon people at this time.

We wish to call on the Eggon people, both home and diaspora,the general public to disregard any form of parallel endorsements that will be done by any group in whatsoever disguise aside that which has already been done by the Eggon political forum this same forum has endorsed Hon Maku not once in the past even against Late Sen Ewuga , why this disruption now.
We are not in anyway against any candidate they still wanted to vote for, but we wish to declare categorically that it’s not in the interest of Eggon but the interest of the few.

THANK YOU FOR YOUR UNDERSTANDING AND USUALLY COOPERATION.

Courtesy:A concerned son of the land.

Opinion

Alia’s 2027 Ticket Faces Fresh Legal Uncertainty as APC Crisis Deepens

Published

2 months ago

September 11, 2026

Our Reporter

For nearly three years, the political crisis within the Benue State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has largely been portrayed as a power struggle between Governor Hyacinth Alia and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume.

However, recent developments suggest that the dispute over control of the party could have wider legal and political implications as the 2027 general elections approach.

The crisis intensified earlier this year when rival camps conducted parallel state congresses and produced separate chairmen for the APC in Benue.

The Akume-aligned faction returned Austin Agada as state chairman, while the faction loyal to Governor Alia elected Benjamin Omale.

The emergence of two chairmen and competing claims to control of the party has further exposed the depth of the internal division.

The dispute has also raised questions about the legal consequences of competing party structures, particularly following a Court of Appeal judgment delivered in June 2026.

The appellate court affirmed the Austin Agada-led State Executive Committee and upheld an earlier decision nullifying the dissolution of that executive by the APC National Working Committee.

The court also sustained an order declaring the activities of the Benjamin Omale-led caretaker committee “null, void and of no effect whatsoever.”

The judgment has since become a major reference point in the continuing struggle for control of the APC structure in Benue.

Political observers note that the significance of party structures extends beyond the office of state chairman. Party executives play important roles in organising congresses, managing delegate processes, supervising primaries and implementing decisions relating to the nomination of candidates.

This has brought the dispute into sharper focus ahead of the 2027 elections, particularly over the possible legal implications for candidates whose nominations may be linked to disputed party structures.

A group of APC stakeholders is reportedly examining the possible legal consequences of the judgment and the continued existence of rival structures within the party.

The concern, according to those familiar with the matter, is whether political processes conducted through structures subsequently found to lack legal validity could become the subject of litigation.

Candidates loyal to Governor Alia whose nominations were subsequently overturned by the APC National Working Committee are already challenging the party’s decisions in court. Among them is former Benue Governor, Senator Gabriel Suswam.

At the centre of the emerging debate is whether the invalidation of a party structure could affect subsequent political processes conducted through that structure.

No court has, however, ruled that Governor Alia is ineligible to contest the 2027 governorship election, and there is currently no judgment declaring him barred from seeking re-election.

The potential issue, rather, concerns the relationship between the legitimacy of party structures and the validity of nomination processes conducted under those structures.

Nigeria’s electoral history contains several instances in which internal party disputes over congresses, delegate lists, executives and primary elections eventually resulted in prolonged litigation over candidates and nominations.

Against this background, the continued crisis within the Benue APC could assume greater significance as political parties begin preparations for the 2027 electoral cycle.

The conduct of parallel congresses following a Court of Appeal judgment affirming one faction’s leadership could potentially generate further legal questions over authority, compliance with party rules and the validity of subsequent decisions.

For Governor Alia, the immediate reality is that no court has declared him ineligible to contest the next election. However, continued uncertainty over the party’s structure could expose his political camp to further litigation and create complications during the nomination process.

The governor has also faced allegations from political opponents that more than N100 billion in public funds has been expended in efforts to secure control of APC structures over the past three years. The allegation remains disputed and would require evidence to establish.

What is increasingly clear is that the struggle for control of the APC in Benue has moved beyond a conventional political disagreement. It is now playing out simultaneously across political, legal and party-administrative fronts.

As the 2027 electoral cycle draws closer, the unresolved questions surrounding the APC’s leadership and nomination processes could become increasingly consequential for the party and its candidates.

For now, there is no judicial pronouncement preventing Governor Alia from appearing on the 2027 ballot. But if the stakeholders reportedly considering legal action proceed with a challenge over the circumstances of his nomination, the governor could face another significant legal battle as the election approaches.