News
Kogi: Who is afraid of Prof. Stephen Ikani Ocheni as Minister?
By Mohammed Usman
When the Holy Bible declares that the heart of a man is desperately wicked, who would have imagined that such doctrinal revelation could be redefined and taken to a new low by those who physically appear in the cloak of academics but in reality are the very definitions of sadists, traducers, shadow chasers, rabble rousers, chatterboxes, negative propagandists, spin masters and Pull-Him-Down Syndrome? Well, if you are astonished, astounded and at a loss trying to imagine where such people could possibly exist, the truth is that a small enclave of such elements have found a safe haven in Kogi State University.
They are the academic version of the axis of evil whose stock in trade and whose penchant for seeing nothing good in those with intimidating credentials has become an incurable second nature. It is therefore not surprising that as seasoned academics, student unions, socio-cultural organisations, political organisations, reputable diplomats, accomplished personalities at both individual and corporate levels and all men of goodwill spread across the country are busy celebrating the well-deserved nomination of Professor Stephen Ikani Ocheni as Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, these elements turned up with their evil machinations by cooking and circulating frivolous stories on hearing the laudable announcement by the Federal Government. Their intention is to throw mud at the impeccable credentials of Professor Ocheni and create doubt in the minds of well-meaning people. Their spurious, sweeping and unprovable allegations have made their way into the staple of the online version of The News, kogicitynews.com and one mushroom outlet, Amanda.com. And knowing their way, they should be somewhere right now plotting to spread their bag of imaginations to other media organisations in and around the country.
Now, the question is “knowing who they are as elements without iota of credibility, do they really need response?” The answer is YES and NO. For the teeming populace who are already in touch with the commanding height and unblemished records of Professor Ocheni as an accomplished public servant and distinguished academic, the answer is NO. But for Nigerians spread across the country who are not abreast of the true height of the nominee and might be misguided into accepting even an iota of such webs of lies and deceits, the answer is YES. It is for the sake of such good Nigerians who are the targets of these agents of darkness, and particularly the distinguished members of Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria before whom the nominee will appear for confirmation hearing, that the truth about the salient issues raised in respect of his academic status and professorial appointment are here put forward for assimilation and documentation. For the purpose of clarity and coherence, the issues raised and characters of those behind them are addressed under three broad headings thus:
THAT PROFESSOR OCHENI DOES NOT HOLD A PHD DEGREE
This is the most fundamental of the claims put up by the axis of evil; and it is a fallacy from the pit of hell. Here are the facts in this regard.
That Professor Ocheni (then Dr. Ocheni) duly obtained his PhD certificate from the University of Nigeria Nsukka in 2004 and he attached a copy of same to his resume in his application for appointment as Professor in Kogi State University. This much is corroborated in The News report thus: Contrary to the fears of ASUU, Ocheni displays a PhD certificate in Pub Admin/ Local Government (Financial Management) from UNN.
That the credentials, including the PhD certificate were considered satisfactory by a prima facie panel of interviewees (the membership of which included 4 Professors) that orally examined him before making recommendations for the appointment.
That these small enclaves operating under the cover of ASUU led by one Dr. S. O Ukwuteno who was pursuing a personal agenda and taking undue advantage of his position then as Chairman ASUU KSU Branch, wrote a letter to the University authority calling for the reversal of the appointment on the ground that the appointee had no PhD as claimed.
That the University on receipt of the ASUU correspondence sent a verification and confirmation request dated 4th February, 2014, to the University of Nigeria Nsukka, and that UNN replied via a letter dated 12th February, 2014 signed by the then Secretary to the School of Post Graduate Studies Dr (Mrs) M. E. Odukwe and addressed to the KSU Registrar confirming that Dr. Stephen Ocheni actually obtained a PhD of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka with effect from March, 2004.
That the axis of evil which held the ASUU-KSU hostage within the period were still not satisfied and in an action akin to having parallel authority in the University, manipulated the Congress into agreeing to set up an investigation panel to verify the PhD status of Professor S.I. Ocheni
That the panel, instead of contacting the University of Nigeria Nsukka which Professor Ocheni claimed awarded him the PhD, claimed to have relied on the Universitys 34th Convocation Ceremony Order of Proceedings, a mere programme of events at any convocation ceremony, and concluded that Professor Ocheni obtained a Doctor of Public Administration (DPA) which they claimed was what they found in the Proceedings without any clarification from the issuing authority (UNN) this was a clear indication that the committee was constituted to blackmail and act the script designed by the axis of evil.
That since the Professor Omada led Committee failed to do proper investigation before turning in the misleading report, the Congress resolved that the matter be laid to rest to avoid exposing the Union to the risk of litigation; and it was a unanimous resolution at that Congress.
That surprisingly, members of Congress were shocked to see a resolution written differently and manipulated as on the appointment of Dr. S. I. Ocheni as a substantive Professor, Exco was directed to carry out a thorough investigation to un-earth his actual qualifications – this manipulation and misrepresentation of resolution sparked a very sharp division among ASUU members leading some concerned members to write a letter to the Chairman dated 2nd February, 2014 signed by 14 members calling on him to properly write and re – circulate the right resolution to avoid losing trust of members and also demanded minutes of the congress to clear the misconception, but both were never made available.
That when it was obvious that reliance on Order of Proceedings as means of verification as contained in the shoddy Committee report was an untenable conclusion, the then Chairman (Dr. Ukwuteno) wrote to UNN under the caption Request For Information On The Status Of The Degree Awarded To Stephen Ikani Ocheni dated 30th May, 2014; five months after Kogi State University had confirmed same.
That the Secretary of the School of Post Graduate Studies of UNN acted on Dr. Ukwutenos letter on the 1st July, 2014 with a comment to the UNN Registrar which reads Please inform the writer that the candidate was duly awarded PhD degree of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka with effect from March, 2004; it means the PhD status was affirmed and a reply sent to Dr. Ukwuteno which he invariably never disclosed to ASUU-KSU Congress because he was acting in bad faith.
That due to his leadership ineptitude and series of attempts to manipulate members of the Congress, Dr. Ukwuteno was overwhelmingly voted out as Chairman in an election conducted on 15th October, 2014 won by the Secretary that served under him, Dr Abdullahi M. Yusuf.
That on assumption of office, the new Chairman Dr. Y. M. Abdullahi wrote to the University of Nigeria Nsukka (precisely on 22nd January, 2015 and addressed to the UNN Registrar under the caption Request For Information On The Status Of The Degree Awarded To Stephen Ikani Ocheni) seeking confirmation of the PhD status of Professor Ocheni Dr. Abdullahi personally delivered the correspondence in company of the then Branch Vice-Chairman (now Acting Chairman), Dr. Gbenga Aina and Branch Secretary, Dr. Mathew Abula.
That the University of Nigeria Nsukka affirmed via a reply dated 28th January, 2015 and signed by Deputy Registrar/Secretary School of Postgraduate Studies, T. Ugwueze that Ocheni obtained a PhD from the University with effect from March 2004. The letter also confirmed earlier correspondence on same to the Registrar of Kogi State University. Again, there is corroboration in The News report, which the “axis of evil” used to spread their falsehood.
From the foregoing, it is clear that three correspondences from the University of Nigeria Nsukka affirming the PhD status of Professor Ocheni were received in Kogi State University. The first was addressed to the Registrar of the institution based on request, the second was addressed to Dr. Ukwuteno (then branch Chairman of ASUU) still on request, and the third was addressed to Dr. Abdullahi (who succeeded Dr. Ukwuteno as Chairman) and still on request. With all these quantum of affirmations, the question that should be on the lips of well-meaning people is what do these dark elements really want?” While there may be some other motives best known to them, what is very clear here however is that they are out on a mission to destroy an innocent person and constitute themselves as alternative authority to Governing Council of Kogi State University, Anyigba, their own employer.
THAT OCHENIS APPOINTMENT AS PROFESSOR WAS INAPPROPRIATE ON GROUND OF DEGREES OBTAINED, TEACHING EXPERIENCE AND ARTICLES PUBLISHED
This claim is laughable as it could only originate from people notorious for raising false alarms. Nevertheless, the facts have to be advanced for the sake of posterity. The issue of the degrees obtained by Professor S.I. Ocheni has been clearly addressed especially as it relates to his PhD status. But since they are making reference to Degrees, it is clear that they are indirectly raising issues in respect of Bachelor and Masters Degrees.
At this point, it is important to stress that Professor Ocheni has never claimed he holds a Bachelor degree of any University. He holds a Higher National Diploma (HND) obtained from Federal Polytechnic, Idah; a Postgraduate Diploma (PGD) and Masters of Business Administration (MBA) from Enugu State University of Science and Technology. It is also inferred from his Curriculum Vitae that in addition to his MBA, the UNN offered him an M.Sc/PhD admission. This is however, in addition to his academic MBA (MBA with thesis) since he does not hold an executive MBA as claimed by the agents of darkness. Meanwhile, it has already been established that Professor Ocheni successfully completed the M.Sc/PhD programme leading to the award of PhD Financial Management in 2004. So what kind of degrees are these agents of darkness looking for? Perhaps, they are looking for the types that exist in their wildest imaginations and which suit their malicious aims.
On the other issues raised in respect of the appropriateness of the appointment, it is tough to know what kind of parameter defines appropriate in the thinking of the Axis of Evil. But if appropriate goes with its conventional meaning in respect of appointments into Nigerian universities, then members of the public are invited to consider the procedures followed and the personalities involved in the appointment of Professor Ocheni and draw conclusion themselves. Here we go:
That on receipt of the application of then Dr. S. I. Ocheni for appointment as Professor, the then Vice-Chancellor of the University, Professor Hassan S. Isah, forwarded the application to the then Dean of the Faculty for his comment.
That based on the positive recommendation from the Dean and cogent accreditation needs in the Department of Accounting, the Vice-Chancellor constituted a prima facie panel headed by then Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Administration), himself a Professor and three other Professors to interview then Dr. Ocheni and one Dr. Iwarere, by taking into cognizance their credentials and determine their suitability or otherwise for the appointments as Professor and Reader respectively.
That the panel after scrutinsing Dr. Ochenis credentials and examining him orally recommended that he should be appointed as Professor subject to external assessment of his publications.
That the then Vice-Chancellor on the ground of the Committees recommendation, and following the existing rules, appointed Dr. Ocheni as Senior Lecturer pending the external assessment of his publications.
That following the rules guiding professorial appointment, the then Dr. Ochenis publications were sent to three different assessors who were Professors of vast experiences and teaching in three different Universities (Federal, State and Private) in the country for assessment.
That all the three assessors carried out their duties and affirmed the publications as worthy of professorial appointment.
That the then Vice-Chancellor, following the rules forwarded the assessment reports to the Appointment and Promotion Committee for consideration.
That the Appointment and Promotion Committee after a careful study of the assessment reports recommended to Council for confirmation of Dr. Ocheni as Professor of Public Sector Accounting of Kogi State University, Anyigba.
That Council, at its Regular Meetings in May 2014 and following the recommendation of the Appointment and Promotion Committee, confirmed the appointment of Stephen Ikani Ocheni as Professor of Public Sector Accounting of the University.
That the personalities involved in the appointment of Professor Ocheni right from the oral interview stage through the assessment of publications to the final stage of Council confirmation included many Professors (drawn from other universities across the country), seasoned universities administrators, legal luminaries, technocrats from relevant ministries and representatives of the National Universities Commission (NUC); all with clouts, experience, integrity and discipline required to detect procedural weaknesses and deficiency in credentials and advise appropriately.
That the same dark elements, even with the full knowledge of the caliber of personalities and thoroughness of stages involved in the appointment had still written series of petitions to the same Council to revert itself even when they had no evidence other than their spurious claims, and that Council had taken pains to reply them on each occasion on the needlessness of their ill-conceived mission.
That dissatisfied, they had approached the then Secretary to the Kogi State Government (himself a Professor and former Vice-Chancellor of the National Open University of Nigeria), Professor Olugbemiro Jegede to help them actualize their evil intention; but the erudite scholar told them in no uncertain terms that the appointment was in order.
That the “axis of evil” would not have any of such wise counsel as they proceeded to the then State House of Assembly Committee on Education where they still hit brick wall for lack of substance.
That the same axis of evil even without the authorization of the branch Congress took their mission to the national body of the ASUU which at a point was misled into directing the branch Congress to ensure that the appointment was reversed; but Congress with full knowledge of information at her disposal on the issue only resolved to carry out a holistic verification and review of credentials and appointments of all her members at a meeting held on 5th May, 2015. The resolution of the said Congress which was attended by one hundred and twenty seven (127) members including all the past Branch Chairmen and the then ASUU Zonal Coordinator, Nsukka Zone, Dr. Josiah Atabor reads thus:
Congress resolved that there should be a comprehensive investigation of staff appointments, qualifications, publications and promotions, since inception with a view to ascertaining the relevance of qualifications, appropriateness of placement and genuiness of publications for fairness and sanity.
But this was scuttled by the axis of evil spearheaded by one of their ring leaders who was part of the decision (his identity will come shortly) because he, like others have skeleton in his cupboard.
That on the issue of authorship of journal articles, there is no rule that delimits the number of publications that should be co-authored and the number that should be based on single authorship; neither does any rule spell out the ceiling to the number of times to co-publish with particular set of authors – in fact, universities advocate co-authorship as a way of encouraging mentorship, diversity of inputs and thoroughness of findings.
That in terms of quality or genuineness of the publications claimed by Professor Ocheni, more than eighty percent of about 44 articles he published in international journals so far are available online for confirmation; just google Stephen Ocheni articles and you would have all you need to confirm.
That the same Professor Ocheni, in spite of the persecution by the axis of evil was overwhelmingly elected Dean of Faculty of Management Sciences and re-elected on the expiration of his first term of two years by members of ASUU in his Faculty, a term he has been serving before his announcement as ministerial nominee. Incidentally, the same man who ASUU found worthy and appointed as chairman of the ASUU KSU 2014 Electoral Committee was also the Chairman of the Electoral Committee that brought on board Professor Ocheni as Dean. The germane question here therefore is on which ASUU platform is the axis of evil fighting the man of honour and integrity; is it the ASUU whose members conducted election and overwhelmingly elected Professor Ocheni as their Dean twice or the ASUU of the conception of the axis of evil?.
In view of the foregoing, it should be clear to all persons of good faith that these dark elements have no other mission than a spirited attempt to soil the integrity and impeccable public records of Professor Stephen Ikani Ocheni and as well disparaging the integrity of the Governing Council with the overall intent of ridiculing the national and international standing of Kogi State University. It is therefore imperative for Nigerians to know who they are and what they are up to in their records as individuals or group for guidance.
UNMASKING THE CHARACTERS OF THE AXIS OF EVIL
Having revealed the hollow foundation of the intention of the axis of evil in Kogi State University, it is important at this stage to reveal the names of the ring leaders and the characters involved in this dark, destructive and, in a way, rudderless mission. It is also important to implant their profiles and records in the sub-consciousness of the unsuspecting members of the public. Through such, the public would be in a position to decide whether such characters have the integrity to question the decision of the Governing Council whose membership constitutes men of repute and distinction or not. The ringleaders and focal point of the axis of evil are one Dr. S.O. Ademiluka of the Department of Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts and Humanities and one Dr. S.O. Ukwuteno of the Faculty of Agriculture. The summary of their characters and activities are unmasked thus:
That neither Dr. S.O. Ukwuteno nor Dr. S. O Ademiluka, who are the ringleaders of the Axis of Evil, is a Professor; and yet they claim to know more than the Professors who did their jobs with due regard to due process and on the premise of their long standing and impeccable experiences.
That when the Congress of ASUU resolved to take a holistic approach in verifying the academic documents of all her members as against selective approach being pursued, Dr Ademiluka, a principal ringleader of the Axis of Evil stood against it and ensured the resolution never saw the light of the day by hiding under a flimsy and untenable reason; this is because he knew that the measure will expose their hollow and dubious academic records.
That the same Dr. Ademiluka who was once ‘dismissed’ as a lecturer from the University of Ilorin was compassionately rehabilitated by Kogi State University pending the outcome of litigations in respect of his dismissal and those of others which was terminated at the Supreme Court. Please note that Dr. Ademiluka never questioned his improper appointment by then Governing Council of Kogi State University, which employed him then even as a dismissed staff against extant rules as he is challenging the decision of the same Governing Council and Senate on matters within their exclusive jurisdictions.
That the same Dr. Ademiluka collected double salaries (from two universities) which the Governing Council of Kogi State University later discovered and ordered that all the amount collected within the period of double payment be deducted in installment pending full recovery of the total. Monthly deduction of two hundred and fifty thousand naira from his salary is currently ongoing. This is one of the unfolding reasons for his ceaseless affronts against the decision of the Governing Council for ridicule. Please note that collection of double salary itself is a gross misconduct punishable by dismissal of the culprit, which the Governing Council is yet to act on.
That the focal point of the Angels of darkness, Dr Ademiluka is combative for getting his just dessert to the extent of writing 63 letters in 30 weeks (an average of 2.1 per week) to the then Vice Chancellor Professor Hassan Isah who had no choice but to accuse Dr. Ademiluka of intent to destabilize the University for some hidden agenda in a reply to him titled: Re: Demands That Required Urgent Attention, reference KSU/VC/ASUU/278/V.IV/122 dated 24th January, 2011.
That the same Dr. Ademiluka was on the verge of being dismissed from Kogi State University in 2012 for his numerous affronts against the Senate of the University just like he is ceaselessly and mischievously attacking the decision of Governing Council now; and other unethical activities only to be saved by the intervention and pleading of the national body of ASUU under the then leadership of Professor Awuzie.
Now the question is: Isnt it natural for the same Dr. Ademiluka the ringleader of the axis of evil, who had instituted litigation at the Kogi State High Court, Lokoja and an ongoing litigation at the Industrial Court, Abuja against the Governing Council of Kogi State University, Anyigba (his employer) go to any length to tarnishing the image of the same organs that validly appointed Professor Ocheni? This is for the reading public to judge.
That the Dark Elements” in Kogi State University have in their rank one Dr. S.O. Ukwuteno, who spent ten (10) years before completing a PhD programme (2003-2013); an indication of academic mediocrity and misfit this is the likely reason for his persistent questioning of Professor Ochenis PhD which was obtained within the minimum period: A kind of I spent ten years to obtain mine, why should yours be within the record period?” Ridiculous!
That the same Dr. S.O. Ukwuteno is notorious for serial and frivolous petition writing against colleagues, Vice-Chancellor, Divisional Police Officer, the State Commissioner of Police, Magistrate Judge and students; simply because they cant allow him actualize dubious intent and as well as the evil plan of his enclave.
That the Management of Kogi State University had at a time quarried Dr. Ukwuteno via a correspondence Ref. KSU/EST/SS/065 dated August 7, 2014 for raising false alarm capable of misleading the Vice Chancellor. The second to the last paragraph of the Query explicitly reads: Your said letter to the Vice Chancellor was therefore misleading, false, malicious and vexatious as it was calculated to cause disunity and harmony between staff and students, as well as to tarnish the good image and the integrity of the University. However, the ASUU national body pleaded on his behalf and the query was withdrawn.
That the same Dr. Ukwuteno however remained unrepentant and continued his malicious and vexatious actions; and the University, based on a panel report, had to suspend him via a letter Ref. NO. KSU/R/EST/EMP/SS/065/Vol.I dated 3rd June, 2015, for raising false alarms and baseless criminalization of the institution.
That the same Dr. Ukwuteno was convicted and sentenced to six months imprisonment with an option of fine by a Court of competent jurisdiction for given False Information with intent to mislead Public servant, and false evidence contrary to section 140 A & B AND 158 (2) OF Penal Code Law in a case between Commissioner of Police Kogi State Versus Dr. Sylvester Osakwe Ukwuteno Case No. ECMC/FIR/25/2015.
That The Nigeria Police Force had, after successful prosecution forwarded a letter titled Feedback on the Criminal Prosecution of Public Servant Dr. Sylvester Osakwe Ukuteno M Ref. AB:3621/KGS/X/Vol.1/114 dated 16th August, 2016 to the Kogi State University, but Governing Council was not in place then to act.
That Dr. Ukwuteno and Dr. Ademiluka cannot lay claim to research published in international or Impact Factor Journals for reference, cannot boast of tangible conferences and seminars attended and cannot boast of being involved in painstaking research and stimulating critical discourse within Nigeria and elsewhere for the past seven (7) years; yet they are fighting a man who is an embodiment of international research and accomplishments.
That a click of Google button will clearly expose Drs. Ademiluka and Ukwuteno as charlatans, nuisance, misfits and academically unproductive, as you can hardly find results of their research exploits published in any reputable outlets (local or international) for contributions to knowledge and development in the last seven (7) years. The only notable exceptions credited to their names are numerous Court cases here and there. Please Google and see!
That the duo (Dr. Ademiluka and Dr. Ukwuteno) who are the ringleaders of the “Axis of Evil” once held the local branch of ASUU hostage as they won elections when their real identities were unknown but Ademiluka lost relevance and Ukwuteno was voted out when members finally discovered their original mission.
Now that the antecedents of those that are after Professor Ocheni are known, the reading public is invited to appreciate that the appointment of Professor Stephen Ikani Ocheni was carried out via a thorough due process in the university and involving several Professors, both internal and external. Obviously, facts will always have overriding strength over conjecture and fiction as the reading public is specifically implored to dissent the views of Dr. Ukwuteno and Dr. Ademiluka who themselves, apart from not being Professors, are persons of shady characters.
Conclusion
It is sad and unfortunate that the commanding records and towering height of Professor Stephen Ikani Ocheni which is a reference point for the young and the old who are in search of exemplary conduct has to be even defended in the first place. This is because his records and conduct as a Chattered Professional in reputable Professional Associations, as a diplomat and a reputable academic who has served as Member of National Universities Commission (NUC) accreditation panels to not less than eight (8) Federal/State universities over the years have remained a signpost of thoroughness, integrity, honesty, accountability, selflessness, mentorship, unparalleled achievements and humility.
But when good men are planning, evil men are plotting because they simply cant do without throwing mud at the unimpeachable records of good men. It then means that the truth about a good man like Professor Ocheni have to come to the public domain from time to time so as to shame those whose best exploits are defined by the litany of evils they plotted. So, with the facts presented above, well-meaning people should now be in a position to strengthen their faith in the person and character of Professor Stephen Ikani Ocheni and consign the axis of evil into the trash can of history where they naturally belong.
While the confirmation of Professor Ocheni as a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is by the grace of God being awaited, we should all pray that he becomes an instrument through which generations of Nigerians can strengthen their faith in our nation.
Congratulations once more to Professor Stephen Ikani Ocheni.
Mohammed Usman is a researcher
News
OPEN LETTER TO HIS EMINENCE, THE SULTAN OF SOKOTO ON CALL FOR EQUAL CITIZENSHIP, MUTUAL RESPECT IRRESPECTIVE OF RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION – BY DR MIKE ACHADU
A Benue born Philanthropist Dr Mike Achadu has call for an inclusive and equitable society devoid of tribalism, ethnicity and religious extremism to foster collective unity of purpose for national development
This is contained in an open letter to the Sultan of Sokoto his Eminence,
Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III and it reads in parts; “Have written this open letter to His Eminence, I believe conversations of this magnitude
should not be confined to private rooms believing that our future must be built on equal citizenship, mutual respect for each other;
“This is not an attempt to diminish the historical importance of Sultanate to bring any religious arguments but a letter of public interest with no strings attached;
“Nigerian is characterized by great minds of extreme civilizations with political institutions which emerged as a modern sovereign state with a well defined constitution that governs us with the sokoto Caliphate which represents the important chapters;
“Your eminence, Nigeria’s constitution does not establish either Islam or Christianity, your Eminence i believe your answer is No, because in the history of the territories that eventually became Nigeria does historical political authority confer permanent political ownership;?
Section 10 of the constitution provides that in 1903 the Northern and Southern Protectorates were subsequently amalgamated into religion, ethnic group and kingdom so, Nigeria has existed over decades with the conquest of the Sokoto Caliphate culminating in that history that deserves recognition and respect;
The Government of the Federation or State shall not adopt any religion as state, They establish principles of religious neutrality, freedom and equal citizenship, Your Eminence, this is where i believe our national conversation requires greater attention so that citizens may interpret exactly the same symbolically;
“This distinction became particularly visible in Nigeria’s debate over the Muslim-Muslim region.And therefore, defending constitutional religious neutrality is not an attack on Islam neither Christianity
“A political arrangement can have two realities simultaneously: That principle protects Muslims from Christians majoritaranism just as it protects Christians from Muslims and represent an important national compact of religion among others;
“Your eminence, Strategically politicians may see a particular political ticket as an effective coalition, an may ask if political cohesion belongs to right to religion and not also an attack on Christianity based on past pricidence;
“Who is to be represented when every Nigerian fundamental human rights cannot legitimately be protected and this provisions are not merely legal technicalities but strategic reality and symbolic reality;
His eminence, another question is the inclusive and exclusive presidential ticket and what does this say about the distribution of power?
“Electoral calculation , mechanism for consolidating support or means of improving Section 42 further provides constitutional protection against discrimination; Political parties rise and fall and the strength of one faith should not require the weakness of another.The security of one community should not depend upon the insecurity of another;
“Who controls the Legislature? eventually, citizens stop asking the most important question, When a politician speaks about religion, Nigerians may suspect political calculation and each community begins to measure it’s security by amount of power;This is why i believe the Sultanate has an extraordinary opportunity;
“There is a dangerous psychological temptation in deeply divided societies that gives your words a different weight as politics has become a permanent struggle for religious arithmetic that community posseses;
“When a respected religious leader speaks about peaceful co-existence the message carries a moral authority that politics often can not achieve and equally Christianity in Nigeria does not not require the political humiliation of another Nigerian simply because of religion;
“Nigerian can not become great by producing a permanent contest between Christian and Muslim and should not need each other’s permission to belong to any institutions;
,It can become great when both religion or communities began demanding something larger by the quality of governance, protection of all citizens,
“Your eminence, I believe Nigeria’s deepest problem is not simply that Muslims distrust religious suspicion which is often the language through which that distrust expresses itself through competent political power excercised for the common good of all citizens.The ultimate measure of political leadership should not be the religion of the person;
Your eminence, the future must be therefore bigger than both Christian and Muslim been the both argument whether been Hausa,Yoruba,Igbo,Tiv,Fulani or any other ethnic nationality.May Nigeria we leave our children be a country build solid foundation upon which a truly united Nigeria with profound respect for one another irrespective of religion, ethnicity, tribe among others
END
News
POVERTY, REFORM AND THE PROBLEM OF CAUSATION
What the evidence says about hardship, recovery and the road ahead
By Tanimu Yakubu, Director-General, Budget Office of the Federation
The argument should begin where Nigerians live
Any serious discussion of the reforms must begin with what Nigerians can see and feel. Food is expensive. Transport takes a larger share of income. Electricity, rent and school bills press harder on household budgets. For many families, the question is not whether an economic indicator has improved. The question is whether their money can still carry them through the month.
That hardship is real, and we should say so without hesitation. But hardship by itself does not tell us what caused it, nor does it tell us whether reversing the reforms would make the country better off. Those are separate questions, and they require evidence rather than anger or reassurance.
The PUNCH report of 16 July 2026 presents poverty as persisting ‘despite reforms’. The phrase is striking, but it compresses several different issues into one. The World Bank and IMF material cited around the same debate records both a deeply vulnerable population and an economy that has returned to stronger real growth, built larger external buffers and moved away from some of the distortions that had accumulated before 2023.[1][2][3][4] The fair reading is therefore not that hardship has vanished, nor that reform has achieved nothing. It is that economic repair has begun while household relief has lagged behind.
A poverty crisis that did not begin in 2023
Nigeria did not enter May 2023 from a position of broad prosperity. Growth per person had been weak for years. Foreign exchange was scarce. Multiple exchange rates encouraged arbitrage. Fuel subsidy costs absorbed public resources. Insecurity kept farmers away from parts of the land. Electricity remained unreliable, transport was costly and too few Nigerians held secure formal jobs.[2] Poverty and vulnerability were already widespread before the present reform programme began.
That history is important because causation matters. A poverty problem built over many years cannot reasonably be attributed in full to policies introduced three years ago. But history cannot become an alibi. The exchange-rate adjustment and fuel-subsidy removal imposed immediate costs on people who had little room to absorb them. Imported goods and inputs became more expensive. Transport costs rose. Inflation eroded wages and savings. Those consequences belong in any honest account of the reforms.
We do not strengthen our case by appearing to argue that suffering is merely inherited. We strengthen it by acknowledging that necessary reforms have had painful consequences and then showing, with evidence, how our policies are reducing those consequences.
What the 79 per cent figure does — and does not — mean
The widely quoted figure that 79 per cent of Nigerians are poor or vulnerable is serious, but it needs to be read correctly. The World Bank’s Streamlined Country Diagnostic distinguishes those already below the poverty line from those who are near-poor or vulnerable to falling below it.[1][2] The number therefore describes a broad zone of insecurity, not a single poverty headcount in which every person is in the same condition.
The distinction does not soften the warning. A household only slightly above a poverty line can be pushed below it by a failed harvest, a medical bill, the loss of a job or another rise in food prices. What the figure shows is how narrow the margin of safety is for millions of Nigerians. It should not, however, be turned into proof that the reforms created a poverty stock that plainly predates them.
The economy has not collapsed, but households are still waiting
World Bank data show real GDP growth of about 4.0 per cent in 2025. The IMF estimated the same rate for 2025 and projected about 4.1 per cent for 2026. Gross international reserves were around US$46 billion at the end of 2025, up from about US$40 billion a year earlier, while net reserves also improved.[3][4] These figures are not a substitute for household welfare, but they are evidence against the claim that the economy has simply collapsed under reform.
The fall in GDP measured in current United States dollars also needs care. A sharp depreciation of the naira reduces the dollar value of naira output even when the volume of goods and services produced is rising. World Bank data can therefore show positive real growth alongside a lower current-dollar GDP.[3] The depreciation has real costs: imported inputs become more expensive and the external value of domestic incomes falls. But it is analytically wrong to treat a translation effect as if it were an equal fall in physical production.
None of this should be presented triumphantly. Nigerians do not eat reserves. A better fiscal balance does not put rice on a table by itself. The value of stabilisation lies in what it permits next: investment, production, employment, lower inflation and better public services.
Relief will come from making more things and moving them more cheaply
The most convincing answer to hardship will not come from another speech about macroeconomic stability. It will come when the supply of food, energy, transport and industrial inputs improves enough to lower costs in everyday life. That is where several large projects now approaching important stages become relevant.
The Kano-Jigawa-Katsina-Maradi railway is one example. We reported in May 2026 that the project was about 60 per cent complete, with delivery targeted for the end of 2027.[5] Its relevance is practical. Northern farmers and traders move large volumes over long distances on roads that are expensive to maintain and slow to use. A working freight corridor can lower haulage costs, widen markets for agricultural produce and improve trade through the northern border. The benefit of the railway will not be the number of kilometres of track. It will be the saving that eventually appears in the cost of moving grain, livestock, fertiliser and manufactured goods.
Lagos shows the same principle in urban transport. The first phases of the Blue and Red Lines are already carrying passengers while extensions continue.[6] For a commuter, the value of mass transit is measured in time, predictability and the share of income spent getting to work. For business, it is measured in a city that moves people with less dependence on road congestion and fuel-intensive transport. That is how infrastructure becomes an alleviative measure rather than a monument.
The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano gas pipeline can have an even wider industrial effect. NNPC’s May 2026 report placed the mainline in advanced construction, installation and pre-commissioning, with early gas delivery to Abuja targeted in 2026.[7] Northern industry has long paid heavily for unreliable energy. Gas delivered into the corridor can support power generation and manufacturing, reduce dependence on expensive self-generation and make new investment more viable. The public will judge the pipeline not by its diameter, but by the factories it helps to run, the jobs it supports and the costs it helps to bring down.
Fertiliser shows what supply reform can mean on the farm
The fertiliser story is closer to the next harvest. Under the Presidential Fertiliser Initiative, more than 449,000 metric tonnes of inputs had been secured by May 2026, and we were on course for a 1.1 million metric tonne programme – roughly 22 million bags – supported by more than 90 operational blending plants.[8]
For years, the problem was not merely the existence of blending plants. A plant without raw materials is an idle factory. Information available to us indicates that, under the previous administration, some plants could secure enough raw materials for only about three months of production. We have moved to secure raw materials on a basis intended to sustain blending through the year. That change is important because it turns installed capacity into actual supply.
The difference is easy to understand. A plant that works for three months produces little and carries high unit costs. A plant supplied through the year can produce more, spread its costs over a larger volume and compete in a market with less scarcity. As availability rises, scarcity pricing becomes harder to sustain. Farmers gain better access to fertiliser when they need it, yields can improve, and the resulting increase in food supply should place downward pressure on prices in 2027.
The effect will not occur by proclamation. Fertiliser must reach farmers, crops must be planted, fields must be secured, harvests must be moved and markets must remain competitive. But this is a visible chain of cause and effect, and it is a stronger basis for expecting lower food prices than administrative price controls.
Rice mills: feed the mills, not the import market
The same supply argument applies to rice. About 300 rice mills are struggling, not because Nigeria lacks milling capacity, but because too many of them cannot obtain enough paddy to run steadily. When a mill operates below capacity, workers lose shifts, fixed costs are spread over fewer tonnes, farmers lose a dependable buyer and the price advantage of domestic processing is weakened. Importing finished parboiled rice may appear to close a supply gap quickly, but it also transfers the milling, transport, handling and much of the value added to producers outside Nigeria.
Our intervention should therefore address the shortage at its source. We need to stimulate local paddy production while permitting the importation of the raw-material shortfall where domestic supply is temporarily inadequate. The purpose of such imports would be to keep Nigerian mills running, not to displace them. As local output rises, the imported component should fall. That approach protects consumers from scarcity while preserving demand for Nigerian paddy and creating a stronger incentive for farmers to expand production.
For rural households, this distinction is consequential. A bag of finished rice imported into Nigeria creates little income for a farmer in Kebbi, Kano, Jigawa, Niger, Taraba or Ebonyi. Paddy supplied to a Nigerian mill does. It supports cultivation, aggregation, haulage, milling, packaging and distribution before the rice reaches the market. Keeping the roughly 300 mills supplied therefore attacks food scarcity and rural poverty at the same time. It raises domestic value added, strengthens the market available to farmers and retains more of every naira spent on rice within the Nigerian economy.
The objective is not permanent dependence on imported paddy. It is to prevent idle domestic capacity while we close the production gap. The durable answer remains higher yields, more irrigated cultivation, improved seed, fertiliser, extension services, secure farming communities and reliable links between growers and mills. But where a temporary shortfall exists, importing the missing raw material is economically preferable to importing the finished product and leaving Nigerian factories underused.
Security is also an economic policy
A farmer who cannot enter his field does not produce. A trader who fears the road moves less produce and charges more for risk. In this sense, the campaign against banditry is also a campaign against food inflation.
Security operations in 2026 restored access to a number of communities and allowed economic activity to resume in areas that had been badly disrupted.[10] It would be inaccurate to claim that banditry has disappeared from every affected area. The economic test is narrower and measurable: are more farmers returning to their land, are more hectares being cultivated, and is more produce reaching markets with fewer losses and delays?
Where the answer is yes, the effect should combine with better fertiliser availability. More cultivated land, higher input use and safer distribution can produce a larger harvest. If those gains hold through the 2026 farming cycle, consumers should begin to see more relief in food markets in 2027.
Why the alternative also has a cost
It is easy to compare the pain of reform with an imagined version of the old system in which prices stayed low and no one paid the difference. That system did not exist. The difference appeared elsewhere: in subsidy bills, foreign-exchange shortages, parallel-market premiums, arrears, inflation and public resources that could not be spent on other needs.
The real choice is not between painful reform and painless continuity. It is between completing a difficult correction and returning to arrangements that had become increasingly expensive to finance and easier to exploit. That does not excuse poor implementation. It means that the answer to hardship is to improve the reform, protect vulnerable households and accelerate the supply response, not to rebuild the distortions that made correction unavoidable.
The test now is whether Nigerians can feel the change
We should not ask Nigerians to celebrate numbers they cannot yet feel. Our better argument is to show where the numbers lead. Stronger public finances must produce roads, power, schools, health care and productive investment. Better reserves and a more orderly foreign-exchange market must support confidence, investment and a more stable supply of essential goods. The reforms will be vindicated in the lives of Nigerians, not in the vocabulary used to describe them.
These are not slogans. They are outcomes that can be checked. If fertiliser remains scarce despite year-round input supply, then our policy has not worked as intended. If rice mills remain idle for lack of paddy while finished parboiled rice is imported, we will have missed an opportunity to reduce scarcity through Nigerian production and rural incomes. If secured communities do not return to cultivation, the economic benefit has not been realised. If new rail and gas infrastructure do not reduce costs or expand productive activity, completion alone will not be enough. We must therefore measure success by what these interventions do to production, prices, jobs and household welfare.
Nigeria’s poverty crisis is older than the present reforms. Our reforms have nevertheless imposed real costs on households that were already under strain. Both facts can be true at the same time. The evidence also shows that real output has grown, external buffers have improved and important constraints on production are being addressed. Our responsibility now is to convert those gains into relief that is visible in markets, incomes and public services.
That is where the debate should end and our work should begin: not with a claim that hardship has disappeared, and not with the claim that reform has failed because hardship persists, but with a clear test. Are we producing more? Are we keeping our fertiliser plants and rice mills working? Are we moving goods more cheaply? Are farmers returning to their fields? Are factories operating for longer? Are families beginning to see prices ease and opportunities expand? Those are the questions by which Nigerians will judge us, and rightly so.
References
- Sami Tunji, “Poverty threatens 79% of Nigerians despite reforms – World Bank,” PUNCH, 16 July 2026.
- World Bank, Nigeria Country Partnership Framework FY2026–FY2032 and accompanying Streamlined Country Diagnostic, 2026.
- World Bank, World Development Indicators, Nigeria country data, including 2025 current-dollar GDP and real GDP growth; accessed August 2026.
- International Monetary Fund, Nigeria: 2026 Article IV Consultation — Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Nigeria, IMF Country Report No. 26/125, June 2026.
- State House, Abuja, “FG: Kano-Jigawa-Katsina to Maradi Railway Project 60 Percent Completed; Set for Delivery End of 2027,” 3 May 2026.
- Lagos State Government, official updates on Lagos Rail Mass Transit Blue and Red Lines, including operational Phase I services; 2024–2025.
- NNPC Limited, Monthly Report Summary, May 2026: AKK mainline construction, installation and pre-commissioning activities, with early gas delivery to Abuja targeted in 2026.
- State House, Abuja, “President Tinubu Hails MOFI, NADF for Strengthening Nigeria’s Fertiliser Value Chain, Supporting Food Security,” 18 June 2026.
- Ministry of Finance Incorporated / PFI-NPK reporting on early 2026 procurement and distribution of fertiliser raw materials to registered blending plants, June 2026.
- Official security reporting on continuing operations against banditry and kidnapping and the restoration of access to affected communities, 2025–2026.
News
EYESAN: THE RETURN OF THE NATIVES
By Charles Abakpa
There are times when the choice of a leader matters as much as the institution itself. This is particularly true in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, where decisions taken by regulators can affect production, investment, government revenue and the wider economy. Oritsemeyiwa Eyesan’s leadership of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) is beginning to show what years of experience within the industry can bring to a critical national institution.
Her emergence as the Chief Executive Officer of NUPRC can aptly be described as the return of the natives. This is because Eyesan has spent more than three decades working within Nigeria’s petroleum industry. She understands the system, its history, its challenges and, importantly, the expectations of operators and investors. She is therefore not learning the industry from the outside; she has been part of its growth and transformation for years.
Eyesan studied Economics at the University of Benin and joined the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in 1992. From her early days as a material traffic officer, she moved through planning, commercial and executive responsibilities before becoming Executive Vice President, Upstream, at NNPC Limited. Her rise through the system is a reflection of experience gained over many years.
That experience is now being brought to bear at the NUPRC, which has a major responsibility for regulating upstream petroleum operations in Nigeria. The commission oversees licensing, field development, technical compliance and other activities that determine how the country’s oil and gas resources are developed.
One of the clearest indications of her approach is the transparent conduct of the 2025 oil and gas licensing round, where 31 companies have emerged successful for 37 oil and gas blocks, following the submission of 200 bids by 143 companies.
The spread of interest in the blocks was equally significant. Bids were received for assets in established petroleum producing areas as well as frontier basins such as the Benue Trough, Chad Basin, Anambra Basin and Benin Basin. It showed that there is still considerable interest in Nigeria’s petroleum resources when investors have confidence in the rules and the process for allocating assets.
Eyesan’s insistence on financial discipline is another important aspect of the licensing exercise. Winning a block, under the new approach, should not be the end of the process. Successful companies are expected to meet their financial obligations and demonstrate the capacity to develop the assets. The application of the “drill or drop” principle also discourages the practice of sitting on acreage without meaningful activity.
Again, her experience in commercial negotiations has also prepared her for the responsibilities of the NUPRC. Before her present position, Eyesan was involved in major industry transactions, including Nigeria’s first natural gas liquids commercialisation and the renewal of deepwater production-sharing contracts. These were complex arrangements with significant implications for investment and production in the country.
What appears to be driving her current agenda is straightforward: increase production, reduce losses and make the regulatory process work faster. Eyesan has identified shut-in production, declining output and delays in bringing projects on stream as areas that require urgent attention. Rather than waiting only for new discoveries, her strategy includes bringing economically viable existing assets back into production.
She is also placing considerable emphasis on making regulation more predictable. The planned publication of service level agreements for major approvals, digital workflows for permits and reporting, and clearer timelines for regulatory decisions are aimed at reducing unnecessary delays. In an industry where delays can cost companies millions of dollars, faster and more predictable regulation can make a significant difference.
Her engagement with industry operators is another part of the strategy. Through the CCE–Operators Leadership Forum, the commission is creating a regular channel for discussing production restoration, approval timelines, infrastructure integrity, gas development and other pressing issues. Eyesan has also stressed the importance of proper hydrocarbon accounting, with a clear message that every barrel produced should be properly accounted for.
The 90-day programme introduced by the NUPRC under her watch is particularly important because it focuses on opportunities that can deliver results without unnecessary delay. Under the program, Field development plans that are near completion, well interventions, rig mobilisation and other quick win projects are being given attention. For a country working towards higher production levels, getting such projects moving can provide immediate gains.
Most importantly, Eyesan’s agenda is not limited to crude oil. She has always spoken about safety, host community benefits, governance, data integrity and responsible operations. Her approach suggests that increasing production must go hand in hand with improving the systems through which the industry operates.
There is also something significant about the emergence of Eyesan, another Nigerian woman at the centre of such an important national assignment. For decades, Nigerian women have shown that they can lead complex institutions and deliver results at home and internationally. Eyesan belongs to that tradition. Her performance inevitably brings to mind women such as Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, whose career has demonstrated the capacity of Nigerian women to compete and excel at the highest levels.
Of course, Eyesan has inherited an industry facing serious problems. Production has been constrained by insecurity, pipeline vandalism, ageing infrastructure, underinvestment and other longstanding challenges. But having someone with extensive institutional knowledge, commercial experience and a clear understanding of the upstream business gives the NUPRC a stronger hand in tackling these problems. Her presence has already been felt.
Her performance so far suggests that the return of the natives may indeed be good news for Nigeria’s oil and gas industry.
Abakpa wrote this piece from Owukpa, Benue State.
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