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OPINION: OF DEMOCRACY, INTRIGUESAND THE OFFICE OF VICE-PRESIDENT: THE CASE OF KASHIM SHETTIMA.

Published

3 weeks ago

September 29, 2026

BY: A G ABUBAKAR.

Democracy, as a system of government, is both a beautiful and a funny concept. Its beauty is often skin-deep and, more importantly, dependent on the people who operate it. Democracy provides institutions, procedures and restraints, but it does not automatically produce good governance. The same democratic framework can produce a statesman in one country, a strongman in another and, under different circumstances, an outright despot. The difference is often not the architecture of the system but the character, interests, competence and intentions of those entrusted with its operation.

Perhaps nowhere is this paradox more evident than in the office of the Vice-President of Nigeria. It is a distinct feature of the presidential system of governance adopted by the country after jettisoning the parliamentary system it operated between 1960 and 1966. Both the 1979 and 1999 (as amended) Constitutions provided for this presidential model of governance, which has been in place since 29 May 1999.

Under this arrangement, the President and Vice-President are elected on the same ticket. The Vice-President is therefore not merely another political appointee. He or she is part of the electoral mandate that produces the President.

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, six people have occupied the office: Atiku Abubakar (1999–2007), Goodluck Jonathan (2007–2010), Namadi Sambo (2010–2015), Yemi Osinbajo (2015–2023), and Kashim Shettima (from 2023)—with Jonathan serving first as Vice-President to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua before succeeding him as President in May 2010. More precisely, Atiku Abubakar served under President Olusegun Obasanjo; Goodluck Jonathan under President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua; Namadi Sambo under Jonathan; Yemi Osinbajo under Muhammadu Buhari; and Kashim Shettima under Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

That history reveals something important: Nigeria has had Vice-Presidents of very different personalities, political weights and relationships with their principals. Consequently, the office has never operated according to one fixed template. Some Nigerians have famously described the Vice-President as a “spare tyre.” Others have reduced the office to that of an “errand boy.” Both descriptions are politically colourful but constitutionally inadequate. The Vice-President is a constitutionally established office with important responsibilities, including succession in circumstances provided for by the Constitution.

The 1999 Constitution, as amended, establishes the office of the Vice-President in Section 141, which provides that there shall be a Vice-President of the Federation. Section 142 deals with the nomination and election of the Vice-President, while Section 146 provides for the discharge of the functions of the President in circumstances such as death, resignation, removal or permanent incapacity.

There is, however, an important constitutional nuance. The Constitution does not prescribe a long, detailed list of executive functions that the Vice-President must independently perform every day. Section 148 provides that the President may, in his discretion, assign responsibility for any business of government to the Vice-President or a minister. This is where the funny side of the Nigerian presidential system begins.

The Vice-President is constitutionally important, electorally important and potentially politically consequential, yet much of the office’s day-to-day executive relevance depends on what the President chooses to delegate. In other words, the Vice-President possesses constitutional stature without necessarily possessing an autonomous executive portfolio. That distinction matters. A Vice-President can be extraordinarily influential without controlling a major ministry. Conversely, a Vice-President can occupy one of the highest offices in the land and still appear politically peripheral, which many insinuate has been the case with Shettima.

Under the Constitution, the President and Vice-President campaign together. They present themselves to the electorate as a political partnership. Their election is based on a common mandate, based on the perceived need for loyalty and regional and ethno-religious balance. That’s what made the Muslim-Muslim ticket of Tinubu and Shettima generate so much debate in 2023.

Whatever one’s interpretation, the episode demonstrated a fundamental truth about Nigerian democracy: political tickets are rarely constructed merely around constitutional requirements. They are also instruments for managing interests.

The same logic applies to ministers, commissioners, special advisers, party officials and other political appointments. Representation is often expected to perform several functions simultaneously: reward loyalty, accommodate constituencies, maintain political equilibrium, broaden legitimacy and strengthen the governing coalition. But once the election is over, another reality emerges. There cannot be two captains commanding the same ship.

The first structural problem confronting every Nigerian Vice-President is therefore simple: how does one exercise influence without appearing to compete with the President?

A Vice-President who becomes too assertive may be perceived as ambitious.
One who is too passive may be perceived as irrelevant.
One who develops an independent political network may be considered a threat.
One who refuses to develop one may become politically dependent.
One who publicly disagrees with the President risks undermining the administration.

This is the paradox of the office. Several factors can determine how much space a Vice-President like Shettima occupies.

First is the President’s personality and governing philosophy. Some Presidents delegate extensively; others centralise authority.

Second is the relationship of trust between the President and Vice-President. Presidential systems are intensely personal. Constitutional provisions matter, but political trust often determines how those provisions operate in practice.

Third is the influence of the President’s inner circle. The “kitchen cabinet”—whether formal or informal—can become a powerful filter through which information, access and influence flow. It is also where people could easily knock heads for their self-serving interests while dressing them up as protection for the President. It has been alleged that the VP has been angling to succeed his boss in the event that he failed to complete his tenure on account of being incapacitated or gone. Such a story got spun, according to the VP, to the extent that an ordinary gift to his boss was seen with suspicion.

Fourth is the Vice-President’s own personality and political ambition. Every Vice-President knows that the office is constitutionally positioned immediately below the presidency. The possibility of succession is therefore built into the architecture of the office.

Fifth is the politics of succession. The closer a government moves towards the end of its constitutional tenure, the more complicated the relationship can become, particularly in the North, where political actors begin positioning themselves for what comes next: a post-Tinubu era in either 2027 or 2031.

This brings us to Kashim Shettima, who did not enter the Vice-Presidency as an unknown political quantity. He had served as Governor of Borno State from 2011 to 2019, during one of the most difficult periods in the state’s modern history. He subsequently served as a senator representing Borno Central. His political experience, particularly his years as governor during the Boko Haram insurgency, gave him a profile different from that of several previous Vice-Presidents.

From the beginning of the administration, Shettima appeared eager to project himself as an active participant in government. He spoke frequently about economic issues, national development and the direction of the administration. His public interventions sometimes gave the impression of a Vice-President prepared to occupy considerable political space. Remember his famous appropriation of managing the national security and economy himself and the principal at the inception of his tenure.

Yet the subsequent question has been: how much of that space has actually translated into institutional influence and measurable policy ownership? This is where the assessment becomes more complicated. Shettima’s defenders can reasonably argue that the Nigerian Constitution does not make the Vice-President an independently empowered executive. Without presidential delegation, a Vice-President cannot simply appropriate ministries, agencies or policy portfolios to himself. His critics, however, can equally argue that constitutional limitation does not necessarily prevent political leadership.

A Vice-President can build initiatives.
A Vice-President can convene stakeholders.
A Vice-President can become the administration’s principal advocate on particular issues.
A Vice-President can use his office to elevate neglected national problems.
And a Vice-President can become the political bridge between the presidency and a particular constituency.

The question, therefore, is not simply whether Shettima possesses independent constitutional executive powers. He does not. The more important question is how effectively he has used the political space available to him to impact the people who see him as one of the powerful moderators of government policy and policy directions.

This question becomes particularly significant because Shettima is not merely Vice-President in the abstract. He is a Northerner, a Muslim and a former governor of Borno State operating in a government whose political coalition is national but whose leadership arrangement has generated considerable discussion about regional and religious representation, with all its challenges.

The Vice-President occupies a unique position from which he can continually place these problems at the centre of national policy. This does not mean he should be partial in favour of the North, but rather that he shouldn’t stand by aloof or be a party to making the region’s plight worse. This is where the question of political visibility and impact becomes legitimate.

One useful way of assessing any Vice-President is to ask a simple question: What major national initiative will history associate with each of the five Vice-Presidents to date? The comparison is not necessarily about who was “better” or “worse.” It demonstrates that the office can be made politically visible when circumstances, presidential delegation, personality and institutional opportunity converge.

Shettima’s challenge is therefore not merely constitutional. It is one of political ownership.
What major policy initiative can Nigerians unmistakably associate with his office?
What major national problem has he persistently championed?
What institutional mechanism has he built?
What enduring programme will remain associated with the Vice-Presidency?

Has Shettima’s impact been felt so far, even within his immediate constituency, the North? Or is he simply content with being Vice-President—a feeling of power for its own sake? How else does one explain the deterioration of insecurity in Borno and across the North-East? The continued captivity of the Mussa and Lassa children in the hands of Boko Haram/ISWAP remains troubling. His response to the carnage in the North-West and North-Central zones could also be more forceful. His contribution to efforts to stem the rising number of out-of-school children in the North is hardly visible.

It is also troubling that Maiduguri, the VP’s home-state capital, can now be accessed through only one—western—corridor out of four. The Maiduguri-Damaturu-Biu highways, which once provided vital links through Biu and Damaturu, remain either closed or too dangerous to ply. Job opportunities are equally scarce, leaving large numbers of unemployed young people vulnerable to recruitment by insurgents and terrorists. It is also unclear whether the rehabilitation of the Alau Dam has been completed.

The North’s deeper crisis is also a larger issue. The region’s insecurity has disrupted agriculture, displaced communities, destroyed businesses and weakened local economies. The education crisis is equally alarming. That is why the North needs more than political representation in Abuja. It needs a development strategy built around security, education, energy, agriculture, industrialisation, healthcare, infrastructure and employment. And this is precisely where a Vice-President with Shettima’s background could potentially make a difference—if sufficient political space is created and if he chooses to occupy it. For now, it would seem he is little more than a presidential representative who attends ceremonies, delivers speeches and occasionally speaks on behalf of the President, as he just did at UNGA 81. The office is too important for that.

The Vice-President is constitutionally the second-highest elected executive official in the country. He is elected by the same electorate, on the same ticket, under the same national mandate. He should not be confused with a minister, special adviser, or presidential spokesman. At the same time, the Vice-President cannot be expected to behave like a second President.
That is the delicate balance.

The Vice-President must be sufficiently influential to contribute meaningfully to governance but sufficiently disciplined to respect the authority of the President. The President, in turn, must be sufficiently confident to allow his deputy meaningful space without interpreting every expression of initiative as competition. This is not merely a matter of personality. It is an institutional question.

The same Constitution can accommodate an activist Vice-President and a ceremonial one. It can produce a President who delegates and another who centralises. It can create space for vigorous debate and space for political conformity. The system provides the framework. Human beings determine what happens inside it.

That is why democracy can be both beautiful and funny. It gives people power and then trusts them to decide what to do with it. It creates institutions but depends on institutional culture. It distributes authority but leaves enormous room for political interpretation. It provides succession arrangements but simultaneously creates incentives for political ambition. It puts a President and Vice-President on the same ticket and then expects them to navigate the inevitable tension between cooperation and succession.

Perhaps the most important lesson from Nigeria’s experience is therefore that the strength of an office cannot always be measured by the number of powers expressly written into the Constitution. Rather, it’s about personality, confidence, instinct and political networks. Whether Kashim Shettima, as a Vice-President, is viewed through the optics of these sociopolitical values is a matter of debate, made very complicated by the very democracy that threw him up.

The Constitution creates the office. The President creates much of its operating space. The Vice-President determines how much of that space he is prepared to occupy. And history ultimately decides whether he merely occupied the office—or actually used it.
A.G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

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ON BORNO ADC’S LAME REJOINDER: MY RESPONSE.

Published

4 days ago

October 15, 2026

Our Reporter

I hardly know the author of the so-called rejoinder, but I know we are classes apart.
Looking into his peice, it seems he does not have a good tutelage in public communication. And I dare say he needs better tutorials in the art.
For a toddler to attrmempt drawing a qualified athlete into a race, is to me the height of self delussion.
In the first place, what I wrote was neither a letter nor a rejoinder, rather,
it was an opinated analysis, from a partisan viewpoint, because I am a stakeholder, as a member of the APC.
I cannot remember having mentioned the ADC anywhere, and for party’s spokesman to assume the position if the defender of all opposition parties, makes it look desperate in wanting to come out of obsecurity, as the spokesman of a party, in a state.
I did not have to write opinions before I was picked to serve in several capacities in government. I did not need to write one to remain on board. For the svoidance of doubt, I am an insider in government and do not need to court patronage or seek a return into government, because I am into it. Having served as two times commissioner, to two different governors, two times S A Media to two different governors, including one outside Borno:one time media adviser to the national chairman of a party that has history and class, and two times Local Government Chairman, makes me tower above the Ahmed of a man.
I do not need to air an opinion to be noticed, because I did not write an opinion to serve in all these capacities. I can see that, his emotions are not only short on facts, and logic, but for the sake of the public record, let me state clearly, that, I still hold the opinion I expressed and do not owe any political party, including the lameduck ADC, about it.
The so-called rejoinder is a classic case of playing victim while deliberately misrepresenting facts.
It is not my duty to explain the circumstances surrounding Hon. Atom Magira’s Plaza, as that has already been dine by the appripriate authoruties.
The ADC is being economical with the truth, to the effect that, the said property was demolished because he is in the opposition. The Borno State Urban Planning Board (BOSEPA) had issued multiple notices over clear violations of building approval and right-of-way encroachment in that corridor. The government has demolished properties belonging to even staunch APC members who violated the same rules. To reduce an urban renewal enforcement to “opposition witch-hunt” is mischief, no matter what coloration you try to give it.

If ADC has evidence that due process was not followed, let them publish the court judgment in their favour, not social media sentiments.
And on the alleged threat by the Commissioner for Youths, which has since been recanted, I believe no responsible government endorses threats. The video being circulated was an out-of-context political appeal at a youth rally, where the Commissioner warned youths against political violence and thuggery. He has since clarified his statement. The ADC is stretching a political statement into a threat to gain sympathy. If there was a genuine threat, the right place is to report to the Police, not to issue press statements.
The “Tinubu Must Go” protesters, which was the subject of my piece, is to me where the ADC is most mischievous. The arrest of persons carrying placards was done by security agencies in the course of maintaining public order during a period of heightened tension. Professor Zulum did not order any detention, and I chalkebge the ADC to orove otherwise. As you well know, the Governor as Chief Security Officer does not control Police remand processes. The State Government actually facilitated their release after preliminary investigations. Let the spokesman of the ADC, contradict these facts.
To blame Zulum for every Police action in Maiduguri is a sign of political defeatism.
Borno is perhaps the only state in the North-East where opposition parties held their major rallies in 2023 without any attack. ADC is barely four months and should asjed questions, or could have rallied for a joint press statement with other political parties. That may have been more credible, than taking the gaunlet on behalf of small, even as the youngest in the contraption called coalition in Borno.
If they were denied any venue, let them publish the application letter with an official stamp of rejection from the stadium manager or hotel, and the BOSEPA receipt for any billboard they claim was pulled down. Democracy does not mean impunity to deface Maiduguri with unapproved billboards.

Professor Babagana Umara Zulum has shown tolerance that is rare. He has openly told opposition members to criticize his government constructively. He has not sponsored any bill to suppress opposition like we see in other climes.
Governor Zulum’s passion for the Tinubu/Shettima 2027 is not about patronage. It is about conviction that at a time of national challenges, Borno stands with continuity, stability and a Vice President who is our son. That is not anti-democratic. That is political alignment, which the Constitution of Nigeria guarantees.

My advice to ADC Borno, especially this greenhorn spokesman is not built on press statements every week. Build structures in wards, sensitize your members, and stop looking for relevance by attacking Inuwa Bwala or Professor Zulum. Borno people know the difference between governance and propaganda.

Professor Zulum will not be distracted. He is focused on resettlement, security, and rebuilding Borno.

Hon. Inuwa Bwala

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Alleged Human Trafficking: Two Suspects In NSCDC’s Net

Published

4 days ago

October 15, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

The Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Kwara State Command, has arrested two suspects in separate operations involving alleged human trafficking and illegal medical practice, reaffirming the Command’s resolve to protect vulnerable persons and tackle criminal activities across the State.

A statement by the spokesman for the NSCDC, ASC 1 Ayoola Michael Shola, said the Command arrested one Victor Barry, 22-year-old, for alleged trafficking of a 17-year-old girl from Amoyo, Kwara State, to Mali under the pretext of securing employment for her in Senegal.

The case, according to the Command’s spokesman, was reported by the victim’s mother at the NSCDC Amoyo Division on the 9th of October 2026 before it was transferred to the State Headquarters in Ilorin.

He said: “Preliminary findings indicate that the suspect allegedly met the girl at his shop on the 5th of October 2026 when she visited to purchase noodles and subsequently offered her an opportunity to travel to Senegal for employment.

“The suspect reportedly took the girl to Lagos on the 7th of October 2026 and handed her over to an unidentified individual at Mile 2 for onward transportation abroad. He later informed NSCDC operatives that the girl had arrived in Mali on the 12th of October 2026.

“The suspect further alleged that an agent identified as Joy redirected the girl’s destination to Mali, contrary to their initial arrangement for her to travel to Senegal.

“The suspect’s parents have pledged to cooperate with the Command to facilitate the girl’s return to Nigeria within two weeks. The Command is pursuing the necessary steps to establish the full circumstances of the case and secure her safe return.”

Also, in another separate operation on the 13th of October 2026, NSCDC operatives, acting on intelligence, arrested Bello Maruf, 56yrs, for allegedly operating an unauthorised medical facility and performing abortions without any recognised medical qualifications or a valid licence.

“During preliminary investigations, the suspect reportedly admitted to performing multiple abortions but failed to produce any certificate or licence authorising him to practise medicine. Medical instruments suspected to have been used in the procedures were recovered during the operation.

“The suspect will be charged to a court of competent jurisdiction upon completion of the investigation,” ASC 1 Ayoola stated.

Meanwhile, the State Commandant, Commandant Abbas Ndah Mohammed, has reaffirmed the Command’s commitment to protecting lives, safeguarding vulnerable persons and ensuring that individuals suspected of criminal activities are brought to justice in accordance with the law.

He urged parents and guardians to exercise caution over overseas employment offers made to young people and called on members of the public to promptly report suspected human trafficking, illegal medical practices and other criminal activities to the nearest NSCDC office.

The Command has, however, assured residents of Kwara State of its continued commitment to public safety and called for credible, timely intelligence to support its operations.

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Kwara: Physically challenged man, two others held for alleged arms supply to criminals

Published

4 days ago

October 15, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

The Kwara State Police Command has arrested a physically challenged man, Joseph Adeoye, 52, and another suspect, Issa Fatai, 35, for alleged illegal possession and attempted purchase of a locally made pistol.

The arrests were among several criminal cases presented by the state Commissioner of Police, Adekimi Ojo, during a press briefing in Ilorin on Tuesday, October 13, 2026.

According to Ojo, police operatives intercepted Adeoye at a drinking spot around Ojatuntun Market during a surveillance operation and recovered a locally made cut-to-size pistol from him.

Further investigations led to the arrest of Fatai, who was allegedly identified as the intended buyer of the firearm.

The Commissioner of Police said both suspects reportedly admitted their involvement in the transaction during interrogation, adding that investigations were ongoing.

The suspects remain in police custody and are expected to be arraigned upon the conclusion of investigations.

Ojo said the arrests formed part of the command’s intensified efforts to tackle illegal firearms possession, kidnapping, armed robbery and other violent crimes across Kwara State.

In another development, the Command arrested Abubakar Usman, also known as Jaye, a wanted suspect allegedly linked to kidnapping incidents in Oke-Ode and Oro-Ago, as well as the killing of members of the Vigilante Group of Nigeria in Oke-Ode, Ifelodun Local Government Area.

The suspect was arrested at Jebba Cattle Market on October 11 following sustained efforts by security operatives.

The Commissioner of Police said investigations also linked him to a May 2025 incident in Labaka village, where four suspected kidnappers arrested by local vigilantes reportedly escaped after a group allegedly led by him arrived and fired gunshots into the air.

Usman was also accused of threatening to kidnap a prominent member of a cattle-rearing association and demanding N10 million.

Ojo said the suspect had reportedly confessed to his involvement in the crimes under investigation and was assisting the police in identifying other persons connected to the incidents.

The Command also arrested Ahamdu Dahiru, a suspected kidnapper allegedly linked to a wanted kidnapping kingpin known as Aro.

According to the commissioner, Dahiru confessed to leading four kidnapping operations in Eruku, Oke-Ode, Idofin and Babanla, during which large sums of money were collected.

The suspect subsequently led police operatives and members of the Vigilante Group of Nigeria to a forest between Bani and Kaiama, where four AK-47 rifles allegedly used in the operations had been buried.

However, the weapons were no longer at the location, as the suspect’s alleged accomplices, identified as Aminu, Sani, Yellow and Dogo, had reportedly moved them to an unknown destination.

A bag containing suspected hard drugs, chains and a padlock believed to have been used to restrain hostages was recovered at the location.

The police said Dahiru remained in custody and was providing information to assist efforts to apprehend the fleeing suspects and recover the firearms.

In another case, two suspects, Kamalden Lukmon and AbdulGaniyu Ibrahim, were arrested along Bakase Road, Alapa, on October 8, following the recovery of two suspected human hands.

Ojo said preliminary interrogation indicated that the suspects allegedly intended to use the body parts for money-making rituals.

The suspects reportedly claimed that a vigilante member, identified as Abdulraf Apata, handed the body parts to them. The police said the allegation was being investigated to establish the circumstances surrounding the incident and determine whether other persons were involved.

The commissioner also disclosed the arrest of three suspected motorcycle thieves, Mohamed Umar, 20; Aliyu Aliyu; and Babuga Umar, 30, at Dankurumi Settlement, Kosa, through an operation involving police operatives, local hunters and vigilantes.

A red Bajaj motorcycle allegedly stolen from the Daba area of Bani was recovered, while efforts were ongoing to arrest another suspected accomplice identified as Hanaruwa.

On child protection, Ojo said three suspects, including a 12-year-old girl’s biological father, stepmother and their neighbour, had been arraigned over alleged cruelty and physical abuse of the child.

The incident came to light on September 30 after a concerned resident of the Idigba area of Adewole, Ilorin, questioned the girl after seeing her buying a solution from a chemist late at night.

The child reportedly disclosed that she had been beaten with an electrical wire and burnt with a hot coal-pot over the loss of N100 while hawking soya beans for her stepmother.

The suspects were subsequently remanded at the Oke-Kura Correctional Centre, according to the police.

The command further reported the arrest of Saba Ismail, 25, over an alleged N10 million kidnapping threat against a resident of Batakan, via Tsaragi, in Edu Local Government Area.

Investigators reportedly traced the telephone number used to make the threat to the suspect, who allegedly confessed to the offence.

Other cases presented by the commissioner included the arrest of Umaru Ahmadu over an alleged kidnapping in Okeya, the arrest of Musa Hussein over suspected kidnapping activities, and the apprehension of three suspects in connection with an armed robbery at Gure Fulani Camp.

The police also arrested three suspects over the alleged exhumation of graves and removal of human heads at a cemetery in Omupo, Kwara State.

Ojo said the investigation into the cemetery incident began after community members discovered in May 2026 that some graves had been disturbed and the heads of bodies buried there were missing.

Two suspects, Abu Jimoh and Ayo Jimoh, were arrested on October 8 while allegedly digging graves at the cemetery. They reportedly identified a herbalist, Mukaila Bello, as the alleged buyer of the missing body parts.

The commissioner urged residents to provide credible information to security agencies, stressing that public cooperation remained critical to preventing crime and bringing suspected offenders to justice.

He also commended Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq for donating 25 brand-new Hilux vehicles to the police, saying the gesture would strengthen operational mobility, improve police visibility and enhance responses to security threats across the state.

Ojo assured residents that the command would continue to pursue intelligence-led operations, professional investigations and community engagement to protect lives and property.

He, however, urged the media to report cases still under investigation accurately and responsibly, while assuring the public that suspects would be dealt with in accordance with due process.