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OPINION: THE MIDDLE BELT QUESTION: HISTORY, POWER, AND THE CURRENT REALITY.

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By: Dr. Pogu Bitrus.

It has become imperative to respond decisively to a mischievous and intellectually dishonest article circulating under the headline “The Manufactured Middle Belt: The Untold History, Foreign Backing and the Agenda to Fracture Northern Nigeria,” authored under the pseudonym Safyan Umar Yahaya. Far from being a work of history and of social concern, the piece is an alarmist pamphlet, animated by fear and bigotry, not facts, all aimed at delegitimising the rising social and political consciousness of the Middle Belt.

The anxiety beneath the essay is unmistakable. For over a century, certain ruling blocs have exploited the Middle Belt economically, subordinated it politically, and tried to diminish it culturally. Today, as the people of the region reclaims its history, pride and asserts its unity, anger and blackmail are the responses of the losers.

The central claim, that the Middle Belt is a recent political fabrication without historical roots, is not merely false; it is a deliberate distortion built on colonial convenience and selective amnesia.

WHAT THE MIDDLE BELT ACTUALLY IS.

The Middle Belt refers to the vast geographical and cultural zone inhabited by indigenous ethnic nationalities of the former Northern Region, now spanning 19 Northern states and the Federal Capital Territory, who were never conquered or were never largely ruled by the Sokoto Caliphate or the Kanem-Borno Empire prior to British colonisation.
Put plainly, the Middle Belt consists of the autochthonous peoples of Northern Nigeria who are neither Hausa, Fulani, nor Kanuri, and who historically existed outside the authority of Islamic caliphates, notwithstanding some pockets of Emirate enclaves among it. This is not opinion; it is an established historical fact.

Long before colonial rule, the Middle Belt was home to sovereign empires, kingdoms, chiefdoms, and complex stateless societies whose political systems predated the 19th-century jihads by centuries. Among the most prominent was the Kwararafa Confederacy, centred in the Gongola – Benue Valley. Between the 18th and 19th centuries, Kwararafa repeatedly defeated and humiliated Hausa city-states such as Kano and Zaria and even challenged Kanem-Borno, long before Usman dan Fodio’s jihad of 1804.

Other well-documented polities include the Igala Kingdom, Jukun states, Nupe Kingdom, and countless Tiv, Idoma, Gbagyi, Birom, Angas, Lelna, Bwatye, Eggon, and Goemai societies among hundreds of others – each with distinct political traditions, land tenure systems, and military histories. They had a common solidarity hinged on wading off Islamisation and genocidal slave raids.

COLONIAL CONQUEST AND FORCED SUBORDINATION.

The author inadvertently exposes his argument’s weakness when he ignores a crucial colonial reality: the British conquered the Muslim emirates with relative ease, largely by co-opting existing centralized hierarchies. In contrast, Middle Belt societies resisted British conquest fiercely.

British colonial records, by administrators such as Frederick Lugard and C.L. Temple, document prolonged military campaigns, punitive expeditions, and scorched-earth tactics used against Middle Belt communities from the early 1900s to the 1920s. This resistance is precisely why the British imposed Indirect Rule by force, subordinating Middle Belt peoples to Fulani and Kanuri emirs they had never known, accepted, or recognized.
That imposition,nnot foreign conspiracy, is the historical root of Middle Belt political consciousness.

THE COLONIAL FALLACY OF “NON-EXISTENCE”.

The article’s reliance on colonial maps and constitutions to argue that the Middle Belt did not exist before the 1940s is intellectually indefensible. Colonial documents recognized what served imperial administration, not indigenous reality. By that logic, countless African nations and identities would vanish simply because Europeans failed, or refused, to acknowledge them.
Even then, the claim is factually weak. The term “Middle Belt” appears descriptively in colonial correspondence as early as the first decade of the 20th century, used by administrators and missionaries to describe the non-emirate central zone of Northern Nigeria. The British deliberately refused to create a Middle Belt Region, not because it lacked coherence, but because doing so would weaken the numerical and political dominance of the Hausa-Fulani-Kanuri oligarchy that sustained Indirect Rule.
The agitation for recognition therefore predates independence; it merely became organized in the 1950s.

THE UMBC AND THE MYTH OF FOREIGN MANIPULATION.

The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) under Joseph Sarwuan Tarka did not invent the Middle Belt identity. It articulated long-standing grievances: land dispossession, political exclusion, cultural suppression, force labour, and religious discrimination.
To dismiss the UMBC as a tool of missionaries or foreign interests is not only false but insulting. Middle Belt people and leaders were among the most educated and politically sophisticated Nigerians of their generation, many trained in Britain and elite Nigerian institutions well before independence. They required no NGO or missionary to understand injustice they lived daily.

The historical record, petitions against Native Authority abuses, resistance to emirate taxation, land struggles, and demands for self-rule, is open to anyone willing to read honestly.

THE CONTEMPORARY MOMENT.

Today’s Middle Belt movement is neither separatist nor violent. It is a demand for recognition, equity, and freedom from an imposed Arewa identity that neither reflects its history nor aligns with its values. The Middle Belt does not deny the existence of Northern Nigeria; it rejects the falsehood that Northern Nigeria is synonymous with the Middle Belt.
What has long been marketed as “Northern unity” has, in truth, been a forced political marriage, sustained by coercion rather than consent.
Increasingly, the Middle Belt is stating what history has always known: this union was never voluntary!
If language must be blunt, then so be it, this relationship has often resembled political rape, and the survivors have finally found their voice.

2027 AND THE PANIC OF DECLINING HEGEMONY.

The fear driving this revisionist essay is understandable. The once-boasted “monolithic Northern voting bloc” is fracturing. Demographics, political awareness, and historical truth are converging.
For the first time, Nigeria’s political establishment is confronting an uncomfortable reality: the Middle Belt is the decisive factor in national politics.

THE MIDDLE BELT, RELIGION, AND THE COLLAPSE OF OLD MYTHS.

A recurring propaganda tactic is to label the Middle Belt a “Bible Belt,” as though its political awakening is a sectarian religious project. This claim is demonstrably false. The Middle Belt has always been religiously plural, home to Christians, Muslims, and adherents of African traditional religions for centuries. Even institutionally, the Middle Belt Forum (MBF) disproves this caricature: its Board of Trustees and National Working Committee include Muslims, reflecting the region’s inclusive ethos. While it is true that the Middle Belt today is predominantly Christian, largely due to historical resistance to jihadist conquest and the voluntary embrace of Christianity, majority faith does not translate into religious extremism. The Middle Belt struggle is not about imposing religion; it is about ending political subjugation, cultural erasure, and systemic inequality. Reducing this legitimate quest to sectarianism is not analysis but propaganda.

Demise of the Hausa/Fulani Amalgam.

Equally misleading is the continued use of the term “Hausa-Fulani” as though it remains a coherent political or cultural bloc. Increasingly, Hausa intellectuals and opinion leaders reject this forced amalgam, insisting that there is Hausa land and there is the Middle Belt, but no natural or “Arewa” identity. The very terms “Northern Nigeria” and “Arewa” now irritate many enlightened Hausa voices who recognize them as tools historically used to sustain Fulani political dominance and economic exploitation. Recent events have further exposed this fracture: widespread violence by Fulani bandits against Hausa rural communities has shattered the illusion of a shared destiny. For decades, the Hausa masses were mobilized as demographic instruments against Middle Belt minorities; today, they are confronting the reality that they too have borne the costs of an unjust hierarchy. What is unfolding is not a Middle Belt conspiracy, but the collapse of an artificial political fiction. History, not agitation, has caught up with it.

Dr: Pogu Bitrus is the President of the Middle Belt Forum (MBF) and hails from Chibok, Southern Borno.

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75 ISWAP Fighters Killed in Borno Town.

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In what has been described as the most successful Military onslaught on Boko Haram and ISWAP elements, the death toll of terrorists neutralised during a failed infiltration attempt on troops’ position in Malam Fatori, Abadam Local Government Area of Borno has risen.
Reports indicate that a total of 75 terrorists fell to Military fire, in what security analysts describe as one of the most decisive recent blows against the Islamic State West Africa Province.

Our correspondent reports that the Initial reports which put the number of insurgents killed at 61, following a coordinated response by troops of Operation Hadin Kai, supported by the Nigerian Air Force has risen to 75.

Updated battlefield assessments and mop-up operations indicate that at least 75 fighters were neutralised, with several others believed to have escaped with severe injuries.

The attack, which occurred in the early hours of Wednesday, saw ISWAP fighters advancing on foot toward the 68 Battalion location, reportedly deploying armed drones in an attempt to breach defensive lines. The infiltration, launched from the Duguri axis toward the Bravo Company frontage, was swiftly detected and repelled.

Military sources said the success of the operation was anchored on superior coordination between air and ground forces, illustrating the growing effectiveness of joint-force synergy in counter-insurgency operations in the North-East.

Four precision air interdiction strikes were conducted on identified terrorist withdrawal routes effectively degrading their combat capability and disrupting their manoeuvre.

The integration of air power ensured that the insurgents were fixed in position and subjected to sustained bombardment, forcing a chaotic withdrawal toward the Arege axis.

Further compounding the losses of the terrorists group was the intervention of allied air assets from the Niger Republic, which carried out additional strike passes on fleeing terrorists.Although a full battle damage assessment of those strikes is still ongoing, security sources believe the combined firepower significantly increased the casualty figures.

In addition to the high number of fatalities, troops reportedly recovered a large cache of arms and ammunition from the battlefield, further weakening the operational capacity of the group in the Lake Chad region.

On the side of government forces, four soldiers sustained minor injuries and have since been stabilised.

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SAN urges collective efforts to tackle societal vices

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Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Professor Yusuf Olaolu Ali, has stressed the need for a converted effort in addressing the social vices plaguing the society.

Ali, who is the first Kuliya Ngeri of Ilorin Emirate, said this in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, at the sixth annual Ramadan Lecture organised by the ‘Knowledge Is Light Islamic Foundation’ (KILIF).

He urged forward-looking organisations, including the KILIF, to beam their searchlights on issues that would take the youths off the streets and evil ways.

The legal luminary applauded members of KILIF for setting up the organisation, saying that the rationale behind it shows that the founders are conscious of the hereafter.

“I want to commend this group for coming up this way. This is very great for us in Islam. But I want to say that during and after Ramadan, we must sustain the momentum of a gathering like this.

“We must treat contemporary topics of getting our youths off street and off evil ways. We must look at those things that are taking away respect from our space. Those things should be addressed.

“Do not let this group just be any other group. You should try to treat topics that would focus more on tackling issues in the society. Let us look at programmes that would attract elderly and that can proffer solutions to the challenges plaguing our society,” Olaolu said.

In his lecture titled “Eid-el-Fitr”, a retired Grand Kadi of Kwara State Shariah Court of Appeal, Justice Salihu Olohuntoyin Muhammad, urged Muslim faithful to avoid chanting political slogans during the Eid, but rather they should endeavour to engage in the praising of Allah right from home to Eid prayer ground.

He also encouraged Muslims to perform ritual birth on the day of Eid-el-Fitr and eat before heading for the sacred ground so as to secure bounty reward from the Almighty Allah.

In his remarks, the President of KILIF, Alhaji Oba Amosa, thanked members of the organisation and various donors for their support to the Islamic group.

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OPINION: Deaths And Destructions At Home, Emotional Investment Abroad: Are We So Cursed?By: A G Abubakar

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Nigerians, including intellectuals and technocrats, often spend hours passionately debating developments in the United States and other distant corners of the world. Granted, Nigeria is part of the global community and cannot be insulated from international affairs. However, the intensity, emotionalism, and sometimes blind partisanship that characterize such engagements are both puzzling and troubling.

Even more baffling is that this fixation is often displayed by individuals presumed to possess high levels of learning, exposure, and analytical sophistication—people who, by virtue of their training, should ordinarily lead rigorous conversations about the urgent problems confronting their own society. It is a troubling paradox: a people who struggle to confront their immediate and existential challenges yet remain deeply preoccupied with events unfolding thousands of kilometres away. The imbalance is striking.

In a society grappling with security crises, decaying infrastructure, economic hardship, and uncertain futures for millions, one would expect sustained attention to domestic realities. Instead, the national attention span on matters affecting personal safety, community stability, and development is astonishingly short. Worse still, such attention often lacks depth, creativity, and analytical rigour. Critical thinking appears scarce, while ethno-religious emotions, masked under pseudo-intellectualism, increasingly dominate social discourse, public debate, and even governance.

This raises uncomfortable questions. Could this phenomenon be linked to the harsh material conditions in which many Nigerians live? According to recent multidimensional poverty indices, over 60 percent of the population—about 139 million people—experience poverty not merely as lack of income but as deprivation in education, healthcare, and living standards. When daily survival becomes the central struggle, long-term reflection and strategic thinking may become luxuries.

Or perhaps the explanation lies partly in how both the old and young have been educated. The system has largely failed to consistently produce critical thinkers and problem-solvers; instead, it has unleashed onto society a cognitively underprepared cohort of “educated illiterates.” The science of learning suggests that successive generations typically surpass their predecessors in cognitive development, but this trend appears to have stalled—if not reversed—in the current one. Countries like Nigeria are particularly affected. Where literacy levels hover around or fall below fifty percent in some regions, sustained critical engagement with complex national issues is, understandably, constrained.

Education is not merely the ability to read and write; it is the foundation of analytical reasoning, civic consciousness, and the discipline to distinguish between what is urgent and what is merely interesting. Yet, Nigeria’s foundational education system falls woefully short of this ideal. Evidence of this failure is stark. A report on primary-level learning proficiency across 47 African countries indicates that only 9.5 percent of Nigerian pupils attain minimum competency in reading and mathematics by the end of primary school. The implication is sobering: a vast majority are being advanced through the system without the basic tools required for meaningful learning, critical engagement, or informed citizenship.

Others may point to the powerful influence of religion. Nigeria is one of the most intensely religious societies in the world. Faith traditions provide meaning, comfort, and moral guidance to millions. Yet when religious identity becomes the dominant lens through which people interpret political and global events, emotional attachments to distant conflicts can overshadow engagement with local realities.

Perhaps, as some might cynically suggest, the Creator simply made it so for reasons beyond human comprehension. Whatever the explanation, one cannot escape the conclusion that Nigerians appear to suffer from a peculiar condition—a persistent tendency toward misplaced priorities.

Nothing illustrates this more vividly than the fascination with distant geopolitical conflicts. In recent times, public discourse across Nigeria—especially on social media—has been saturated with passionate debates about tensions involving the USA, Israel, and Iran. Opinions are fiercely expressed, allegiances declared, and timelines flooded with emotional arguments, and often oblivious of the fact that more than fifty percent of the information is either manipulated, AI-generated or outright fake.

Yet at the same time, terror continues to unfold within Nigeria’s own borders. Communities in the North-East live under constant threat from Boko Haram and ISWAP attacks. Villages in Benue and Plateau endure cycles of ethno-religious violence and armed herdsmen attacks. Rural communities across several states are repeatedly assaulted by bandits and kidnappers. Oil theft in the Niger Delta drains hundreds of thousands of barrels of crude daily, depriving the nation of vital revenue. In parts of the South-East, weekly “sit-at-home” orders have paralysed economic life and normalized a strange form of protest that punishes ordinary citizens.

These crises have had profound social and economic consequences. Tens of thousands have been killed, and over 3.9 million people have been pushed into IDP camps across the country, according to the United Nations. Economic activities such as agriculture and commerce have been severely disrupted, with some communities experiencing up to a 50 percent drop in output. Oil theft alone is estimated to cost the nation an average of $10 billion annually. Also an estimated, 2,000 settlements have been sacked, destroyed or brought under the control of terrorists, and insurgents across parts of the country – basically ghost villages.

Yet despite their devastating impact, these crises rarely command sustained national outrage or deep intellectual engagement. Deaths in places such as Woru, Nuku, and other rural communities quickly fade from public conversation. The massacre of over 160 innocent people and the kidnapping of more than 300 others—events that should provoke national soul-searching—are increasingly treated as routine occurrences. Tragedy has become normalized.

Instead of confronting these challenges directly, many Nigerians appear to prefer the soothing path of distraction or evasion. Idle hours—created in part by unemployment and underemployment—are often spent debating the problems of distant societies, as if an elixir. Social media platforms have become the primary arena for this phenomenon.

Here, the young and old, the educated and the uninformed, the politically active and the indifferent converge in endless debates about foreign affairs. A substantial proportion of online discussions among Nigerians revolve around international controversies rather than domestic issues. These debates are often driven by emotion rather than evidence. Individuals who show little interest in local governance or civic responsibility suddenly become fervent analysts of Middle Eastern geopolitics, American elections, or European conflicts.

Meanwhile, real crises unfold at home. Indeed, this collective distraction creates conditions in which grave security failures occur with insufficient public scrutiny. While public attention was fixated on tensions involving Iran, the US, and Israel, insurgent groups reportedly attacked and dislodged several military formations across parts of the North-East.

These incidents occurred in parts of Borno and Plateau States. In Borno, more than six military bases across several communities were overrun. Among the casualties were Lt. Col. U. Farouq, Lt. Col. S.I. Iliyasu, and Major U.I. Mairiga, alongside dozens of civilians. The tragedy occurred only a few months after Brig.-Gen. M. Uba paid the supreme price in Damboa. In Kanam LGA of Plateau State, terrorists ambushed and killed several military personnel including two commanders; Lt. H. Hassan and Capt. AU Hajji. Many civilians also lost their lives. The bloody week ended with a coordinated attack on Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, during which several neighbourhoods were bombed, causing dozens of fatalities, injuries, and wanton destructions.

Yet national attention remained largely fixed on distant conflicts. Only months earlier, it was the Russia–Ukraine war dominating conversations. Before that, other global controversies occupied the same mental space. The pattern is unmistakable: Nigerians repeatedly immerse themselves in the politics of other nations while their own house burns.

History offers a fitting metaphor. When the Roman Emperor Nero allegedly played music while Rome burned, it symbolized the dangerous folly of leaders and societies distracted during moments of crisis. Nigeria risks becoming a modern version of that ancient tragedy—a nation absorbed in peripheral matters while existential threats grow at home.

This is not merely a cultural curiosity; it is a national problem. Societies develop according to the priorities they set. Nations that progress are those whose citizens focus their intellectual energy on solving local problems, strengthening institutions, and demanding accountability from their leaders, instead of getting hooked on social media apps/platforms. A full-time chat culture of “sharing,” “forwarding,” and “posting” on YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, ChatGPT, DeepSeek, etc, often without even reading them. It’s a new opium.

For Nigeria to move forward, a fundamental shift in public consciousness is required. Citizens must refocus their attention on the urgent realities confronting their communities. Personal responsibility must replace passive spectatorship. Communities must demand security, accountability, and effective governance. Intellectual discourse must prioritize solutions to domestic challenges rather than emotional engagement with distant conflicts.

Authorities must also rise to the occasion. Governments at all levels have a duty to address insecurity, strengthen institutions, expand education, and foster civic awareness. Leadership must guide the national conversation toward constructive engagement with Nigeria’s real problems.

Nigeria’s tragedy is not merely that it faces many problems; every nation does. The deeper tragedy is that its people have gradually become conditioned to live with those problems while investing their emotional energy in the crises of others. A society that treats its own disasters as routine but becomes animated by distant conflicts has clearly lost its sense of priority.

No nation has ever risen by obsessing over the problems of others while neglecting its own. Progress is built by citizens who confront their realities, demand accountability from their leaders, and devote their intellectual energy to solving challenges within their borders. Until Nigerians begin to do this consistently, insecurity will persist, institutions will remain weak, and development will continue to lag behind promise—descending into global ridicule and disdain, a reality many Nigerians who travel abroad can attest to.

The choice before the country is stark. Nigerians can either continue down the path of distraction—arguing passionately about foreign wars while their own communities bleed—or awaken to the urgency of their national condition. A people who refuse to focus on their own house should not be surprised when it collapses around them.

History is unforgiving to societies that ignore warning signs. If Nigerians fail to reorder their priorities, the verdict of the future will be harsh: that a nation blessed with immense human and natural resources allowed itself to drift—not because it lacked solutions, but because it lacked the collective seriousness to confront its own problems.

The time to refocus is now. Otherwise, the question “Why are Nigerians like this?” may one day be replaced by a far more painful one: “How did we allow it all to slip away?” – our nationhood, our global respect as a Black race, and even our personal integrity.
A.G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

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