Opinion

OPINION: WHY THE NORTHERN IDENTITY AND UNITY GO BEYOND PERCEPTIONS.

Published

1 year ago

August 17, 2025

By: A G Abubakar

The fact that the North has been in turmoil for the past two and a half decades is no news. Kids born in the dawn of the troubled region may not understand that the North used to be the most peaceful, stable, and very accommodating region of the country. Quiet a far cry from its current toxic ethno-religious and economic relations, driven largely by self-serving political interests and religious bigotry. Narratives that discounted the North’s geography, historical experiences, and the interconnectednes of the diverse groups that shaped its uniqueness.

The North may be going through rough time, but the potential to pull itself from the brink is in no doubt. Already, some soul searching and open engagements about the future are gaining traction across the board. The growing narrative is that the North’s destiny lies in its hands. It has to take the lead in finding the needed solutions. Though some engagements could, at times, be venomous, it is better than continuing to be in a state of denial. Other silver linings on the horizon include a growing tech-savvy and entrepreneurial base among the young generation and Arewa-centric Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) all rising to the occasion, especially the challenges in governance in the region.

How The Rot and Change of Perception May Have Set in

Years of bad governance with its concomitant socioeconomic challenges may have turned the peoples of the North on each other. And, that’s understandable. The logic is simple. Since the phenomenon of socioeconomic deprivations are invisible, the natural instinct is for victims to start interrogating the causes outside themselves. The range of “suspects” could include the next tribe, ethnic group, religion, and even political formation. In the circumstance circumstances, words are taken out of context, actions are misinterpreted, misunderstanding ensued, and conflicts get easily ignited. Nothing unites like a performing economy in a diverse setting.

A once upon a harmonious way of life, has given way to a vicious cycle of conflicts. Opportunists in the form of third parties, politicians, pastoralists, and preachers soon took advantage of the resultant cracks; widening them further. Where pastures and water are available in abundance, like in the Benue enclave, the conflicts could be largely triggered between herders and farmers over access, process, and potential farm infringement. Since farming and pastoralism, as occupations, are practiced by distinct groups, the strained relationship tends to easily acquire religious or tribal colourations, e.g, Tiv/Christian farmer vs. Fulani/Muslim herder. A purely economic calling is fought on the ethno-religious front.

It is this poorly managed economic relationship that has been fueling the crisis in such places as Plateau, Taraba, Adamawa and Borno, Niger, Kogi, Kaduna, and Nasarawa states. With the economic divisions firmly entrenched, politicians step in to form an electoral capital out of the people’s fears, apprehensions, and sentiments. They invoke the message of “us against them” or them” against us.” Words and expressions like, “we got to stand up for our rights,” “it’s our land, and we are ready to defend with the last drop of our lives,” “so vote for us to free yourself from domination,” soon rent the air.

Then comes the clerics, who interpret the fault lines (bad governance, economic deprivations) as divine punishment for transgression. They position themselves to redeem the situation by harvesting and promoting to widening their bases. Thus, fueling the divisions further. Bad governance, a man-made phenomenon, dressed as religious and/or ethnic pursuits constitutes the Northern challenge. A development that is likely to continue into the foreseeable future because of the increasingly poor capacity to manage the region’s diversity. This is as constituent parts of the region behave as if they existed mutually exclusive of each other in history, with requisite narratives in support of the perception.

The Common Historical Experiences and Antecedents

Fortunately, the challenges of unity are redeemable given the long-standing shared values and outlook shaped by both geography and historical experiences. History tells that the maze of relationships and unity among peoples of the North were predicated on three epochs and three (3) layers of common experience in descending order. They include:

the Colonial era (1900-1960), >pre-Colonial periods of the:
(i) Hausa City-states (1359-1808),
(ii) Kwararrafah Empire (14th Century-1840),
(iii) Kanem-Borno Empire (1376-1902),
Sokoto Caliphate, (1804-1904).
The empires of Borno, Kwararrafah, and the Hausa City-states existed side by side for centuries, though with fluid boundaries. The City-states were seven in number. They had no central authority and were united only by the Hausa language and some common cultural practices. The City-states comprised Daura, Katsina, Kano, Gobir, Rano, Zazzau (Zaria), and Biram (Hadeja) (Bala Usman, 2006).

Except for the Hausa City-states, too, the compositions of the Kwararrafah, Kanem-Borno, the Sokoto Caliphate, and the Colonial North were very diverse in terms of ethnicity and culture. The City-states of the time cover today’s Hausa land. The loosely organised Kwararrafah comprised present day’s ethnic nationalities like Tiv, Idoma, Igala, Nupe, Gbagi (Gwari), Babur, Bolewa, Jarawa, Jukun, Angas, Zuru, Atyyap, Zuru, (Dakkarawa) and many more.

The fact of occupying the same geographic space was more or less a “fait accompli” in making the diverse groups to deal with each other in matters of both peace and conflicts. A sort of, for better or for worse. During times of peace, they exchanged goods and services (trading), just as conflicts were rife as well. Geography could therefore be considered as providing the first and also natural context for a common experience among the diverse Northern groups. The Jukuns and their allies, for instance, traded with the Zazzau, Kano, and Katsina for a long time. They equally waged wars of supremacy against each other. According to the Kano Chronicle, the Jukuns at certain periods controlled Kano’s surroundings. Those interactions certainly entailed subtle exchange of cultures and traditions. The Jukun influences are still visible in some Karaye communities of Kano. According to Fremantle, J.M, a historian on Kwararrafah, the entity’s influence also extended to such places as Kano, Katsina, Borno, the lands of Igala, Idoma, Igbira and others, in between.

Within the Kwararrafah itself, groups like Nupe and Igala shared some historical ties through an Igala prince, Tsoede, who was believed to have founded the “original” Nupe kingdom. This was, as the Nupe interacted (war and peace) with the Katsinawa to the North. The Nupe also was a defining fortress for the North to the West, where it created a buffer zone that extended as far as Offa. Nupe was actually destabilised and, on occasions, sacked Offa between 1448 and 1567. Today a Fulani dynasty is one of KinNupe ruling families.
The Igala did a similar job to the South where they fortified northern fringes of Igbo land with North. They networked with their neighbouring Idoma cousins to the north-east, up to the Tiv, Gbagi, and Jukun enclaves. The legendary Queen Amina (1533-1610) of Zazzau (Zaria) died and was buried in Okpachala Ogbagba, a community near IdahIgala land after a failed expedition.

The Jukun group had a close, though at times, checkered relationships with inhabitants of the northeast. It engaged in a couple of wars with Kanem Borno, just as both of them engaged other parts of the Hausaland at different times. It was like a merry-go-round in an interdependence relationship during which person-to-person as well as commercial interactions ensued. At no time, therefore, did the groups – majority or minority – operate exclusive of one another.

The historical relationships continued until the arrival of Dan Fodio, the Fulani Islamic reformer on the scene. A part of the second layer of regional experience. He was able to bring a huge cross section of the North under his Islamic Caliphate called the Sokoto Caliphate. About thirteen flag bearers of the Caliphate were appointed across the region to propagate and safeguard the theocratic message of “purifying” the practice of Islam as a way of life. This experience, to a large extent, has had an impact in shaping the Northern muslim outlook, irrespective of ethnic or cultural backgrounds.

Then came the third wave; the colonialists who declared the region a British Protectorate. They went on to revoke the charter of the Royal Niger Company and formally imposed the British rule. That was in 1900 and it marked the formal beginning of the colonial period in Northern Nigeria. The administration dislodged the Sokoto Caliphate in1903. Thereafter, Western education was introduced along with Christianity, largely in the non-Muslim areas of the region. Like in the case of Islam, the new phenomena (western education and Christianity), added another layer of common values over the North; that impacted the lives, relationships and worldview of the region as well. Call it modernity.

The post-Colonial era saw the Sardauna, Ahmadu Bello, at the helm of affairs as the premier of defunct Northern Nigeria. He was able to use the experience of the Colonial Administration (extension of the third wave) to galvanise and unite the region into a cohesive entity.
Using an all-inclusive team and appropriate policy frameworks, based on the principles of one North, one people, and one destiny.

The Northern government’s cabinet composition and its holistic development policy remain a model to date. The engine room of the Administration of the Time included David Lot, Peter Achimugu, G.U.Ohikere, Hassan Lemu, Michael Audu Buba, Dr. R.A.B.Dikko, Aliyu Obaje, Rwang Pam, Jolly Tanko Yusuf, Audu Obekpa, Abdulrahaman Okene, Tanko Kuta, Muhammad Ribaɗu, Isa Koto, Sunday Awoniyi, Ibrahim Biu, Sir Kashim Ibrahim, Ahmed Talib, Aliyu Makaman Bida, J.A. Aberigbe, Ahmed Talib, Bukar Shuaib, Mahmud Jega, Yahaya Gusau, Isa Kaita, Patrick Dokotri, Ahman Pategi, etc. It was also alleged that the Sardauna was fond of Chukwuma Nzegwu, fondly referred to as Major Kaduna. The names of the Sardauna’s team are indicative of both ethnic and religious backgrounds. For sure inclusiveness couldn’t look any better!

The development process was very equitable and strategic. Capital projects were distributed across the region. There was no attempt to skew infrastructure to individual’s enclaves. Some of the region’s infrastructure at the time include, College of Agriculture, Kabba, Secondary Schools in Dekina, Bida, Keffi, Okene. A University College (now ABU, Zaria) and Agricultural Research Centre, both in Zaria and also a Veterinary School Vom, Jos. Forest Reserves and Plantations were established in Mokwa, Falgore, and other places, including the first irrigation scheme in the North at Yau, in the Chad Basin region of Born. Non was sited in Rabah, Sardauna’s home town. Neither also went to Gusau, Kaita, or Jega, the place of origin of some of his right-hand officers.

The efficacy of mutual accommodation and tolerance on the North’s unity had been profound, especially in the realm of inter-ethnic relations. The Tiv and Fulani fable of “Mun ci” (we have eaten, the cow you left in our care), the Kanuri and Fulani are joke-mate, too. So are the Gobirawa and Yoruba, the Babur and Bolewa/Karaikarai, Kanawa and Zagizagi, etc, all signifying historical cordiallity

Some Of The Contemporary Realities

History tells that many famous families across the North were actually guests at some point, and they became fully integrated into their hosts’ communities without qualms. Sometimes of the famous settler-to-indegines families include the Yakasais, Abachas, Shinkafis, Bawa Garbas, Chanchangis, Tofas, Musa ‘Yar aduas, etc

The Shinkafi brothers, Umaru and Mamuda, from Gashua, in today’s Yobe State, were Marafan Sokoto and Zamfara State governor, respectively.
H.E. former state governor Shekarau, allegedly has links with the North East enclave. He became a governor in the Kano state and currently a Sardaunan, Kano.
The Wazirin Katsina, Ibrahim Ida’s family is believed to be of Igala extraction, allegedly too. He now holds sway in Katsina royal palace.
Elder statesman, Tanko Yakasai, Jukun has represented Kano in Federal Legislature, Executive Council, and now a respected elder in Kano.

The Bashir Tofas and the Abachas are, for instance, the first exclusively-Hausa-speaking generations of their Kanuri families in Kano. Their parents came to Kano as Kanuri merchants. Hon. Shehu Bawa Garba that represented Kaduna North in the State House of Assembly is Bura from Garkiɗa, Adamawa, while the scions of Ahmadu Chanchangi who are now power brokers in Kaduna are of Jukun origin from Taraba. Currently, one Hon. Nelson Chukwu Cyprian Len represents Nguroje Constituency in Taraba State House of Assembly. His story is similar to that of Tudun-Wada-born Comrade Shehu Sani, who became a Senator representing Kaduna North between 2015 and 2019, belonging to one of the tribes of Niger State. In 1961, Ibrahim Imam of Borno Youth Movement (BYM) contested and won an election to represent Tiv District in the defunct Northern House of Assembly.

Today, the ruling dynasty in Lafiya, Nasarawa state is Kanuri, just as one of the three or so families in Zazzau remains Kanuri too. Ja’afaru ɗan Ishaku was the 26th Emir of Zazzau and the 9th in the Kanuri dynasty.

The Bachama (Bwatiye) people of Adamawa (North East) are believed to come from Gobir (North West) before settling at the banks of river Benue. A mutual exchange of goodwill still thrives between the two groups especially during respective traditional leadership installations. Their immediate neighbours in Borno especially the Babur and Bura share a lot of traditions with the Jukun and Gbagi peoples. The royal totem or insignia of Crocodile is held in reverence in the palaces of Aku Uka of Wukari and Emir of Biu. This is regardless of the fact that the Biu ruling dynasty is believed to be of Kanuri and Mandara origin. The Gbagi that shares boundaries with parts of Kebbi share the tradition of carrying load on the shoulder instead of head with the Babur of the North East. Both have culinary culture that includes mbuli and machikle (a fermented and unfermented food leftover) that are at times consumed with garden eggs.

Musa ‘Yar Adu’a Snr (1912) the father of Shehu and Umar was of Kanuri extraction as well. His mother a Katsina princess was married to a Kanuri Islamic scholar. That was during the reign of Muhammad Dikko, 1906 to 1944. Umaru ended as a president of the Federal Republic.

With all the historical mix and antecedents on how the Northern region and its peoples evolved as an entity, the narrative to effect that it never was a distinct sociocultural mosaic or tapestry, might just be a self-serving one. For sure, the Northern unity may not be a perfect entity, but then, no unity is. Nations and regions remain work in progress. The trouble with the region has to do with decades of mismanagement and poor sense of proportion on the part of successive leaderships.

Literally, bad governance, that has created a high sense of disaffection, disillusionment and disharmony across the region. Nothing disunite people like deprivations, and Northerners are grappling with this phenomenon more than ever before. It’s a region simply not working. Things have to change. Fortunately, this reality is gaining traction across the the North despite the call from some quarters that it needs to be dismembered, which is a jaundiced perception.

Keeping It Together Is Still The Way To Go

Truth was, should the North get dismembered, every successor component part shall have the old North in it. The lines demarcation may seem clear in the head but the reality shall be the opposite. Let the factors that are causing the ill feelings, which are basically two, be addressed. They are; justice and equity across ethno-religious divide and the adoption of a general sense of proportion in governance at all levels.

The followership too needs to be better informed. Ignorance plays a huge part in the challenges across the North. The task may be onerous but it is feasible. The Northern family is a by-product both geopolitical and historical realities than myths. Let the North shall rise again.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

Opinion

THE BOLD SHIFT:BETWEEN REFORMS ANDTHE REALITY OF THE BROKEN EGGS:

Published

10 hours ago

October 27, 2026

Our Reporter

By: Soknan Shedul
Every great nation reaches a crossroads where it must choose between temporary comfort or permanent prosperity. For decades, Nigeria was kept on artificial life support by policies that drained our national wealth to enrich a select few.

When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu stepped forward, he promised a country built on real economic truth.

Through the Renewed Hope Agenda,
his administration is making the difficult, courageous choices needed to stop the bleeding and secure the future for every citizen.

Although the shockwaves of reform is still very much with us, the evidence is clear: the bold choices made to remove the fuel subsidy and unify the foreign exchange market are finally unlocking the wealth of our nation and returning it directly to the people.

FROM WASTE TO WEALTH: RETURNING BILLIONS TO LOCAL COMMUNITIES.
For years, trillions of Naira vanished into corrupt fuel subsidies and uneven currency exchange markets. That era is over. The unified Naira has stabilized within a tight corridor, and Nigeria’s external reserves have surged past $55 billion—giving us over 11 months of solid import cover.
More importantly, the money saved from the subsidy is no longer locked in Abuja or pocketed by speculators.

The Federation Account allocation to state and local governments (FAAC) has skyrocketed from ₦3.4 trillion in 2022 to an unprecedented ₦11.38 trillion, a massive 232% increase. This means your local community now has the direct financial power to build better roads, upgrade healthcare facilities, and fund real grassroots development.

INVESTING IN YOUR FAMILY:
EDUCATION, JOBS, AND
TAX RELIEF; Real economic growth is measured by how it lifts up families. The administration has matched its structural reforms with historic, direct relief programs designed to safeguard the middle class and protect the vulnerable:

KEEPING EDUCATION ALIVE: The Nigerian Education loan Fund has moved from a vision to a massive success. It has disbursed over ₦322 billion, directly supporting more than 1.6 million student applications with interest-free academic loans and monthly upkeep allowances across 354 institutions. Single institutions, such as Ekiti State University, have received billions at once to instantly wipe out the tuition debt of over 10,000 students.

UNPRECEDENTED TAX RELIEF FOR SMALL BUSINESSES: To protect local employment, over 200 confusing legacy levies have been slashed down to roughly 60. Crucially, the administration has completely exempted small businesses with annual turnovers under ₦50M–₦100M from paying corporate income tax, ensuring local shop owners, traders, and entrepreneurs keep their doors open and their profits in their pockets.

A FAIR MINIMUM WAGE: The administration has implemented the new ₦70,000 national minimum wage, anchoring a comprehensive effort to lift the baseline earning power of our public workers and strengthen household purchasing power nationwide.

SECURITY RESTRUCTURING:
RECLAIMING OUR COMMUNITIES.
Economic prosperity cannot exist without physical safety. Recognizing that our nation’s progress depends on secure communities, President Tinubu has authorized the most aggressive expansion of internal and external defense frameworks in modern Nigerian history:

TAKING BACK THE STREETS WITH STATE POLICE: Moving past rigid, distant federal command structures, the executive State Police constitutional framework has advanced rapidly through the National Assembly. Backed by the brand-new National Policing Bill, this landmark reform ensures that local officers—who intimately understand your neighborhood’s unique vulnerabilities—are empowered to protect your community under strict federal safeguards and standardized professional criteria.
This in addition to the recruitment of forest guards to man our forests.

A MASSIVE 50% MILITARY EXPANSION: To eliminate banditry and secure our critical agricultural zones, the administration has expanded the Nigerian Army from 8 to 12 field divisions. Supported by 28,000 newly recruited personnel, these new commands are strategically placed across vital regions—including Makurdi, Ilorin, Jalingo, and Benin City—to permanently clear out ungoverned spaces, protect our agrarian belts, and allow our farmers to safely return to their lands.

THE INFRASTRUCTURAL DRIVE: CONNECTING THE NATION FOR SHARED WEALTH: The administration of President Bola Tinubu is pursuing an aggressive infrastructure agenda institutionalized primarily through-
The Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund (RHIDF)- Moving away from fragmented, small-scale construction, the government’s approach focuses on building expansive economic corridors designed to link regional agricultural hubs, heavy mining deposits, and commercial zones directly with maritime export ports.

THE LAGOS – CALABAR COASTAL HIGHWAY: This monumental project is a 700–750 km modern concrete-technology expressway designed to span nine coastal states, linking major industrial zones, oil-producing regions, and commercial hubs directly along Nigeria’s Atlantic coastline.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE: By directly connecting production and marketing centers for over 30 million people, this highway unlocks massive maritime trade, tourism, and real estate potential. Its advanced concrete design ensures long-term structural durability, drastically reducing vehicle maintenance costs and slashing travel times for commercial freight moving between southwestern and south-southern ports.

THE SOKOTO- BADAGRY SUPERHIGHWAY: This 1,000 km North-South transit artery connects Nigeria’s northern borders down to the southwestern coast, strategically designed to establish a seamless, high-speed logistical link that completely bypasses traditionally congested interior routes.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE: This superhighway grants deep northern agricultural zones and solid mineral deposits direct, bottleneck-free access to southwestern export markets and ports. By bridging the vast geographic gap between northern producers and southern consumers, it reduces food spoilage, stabilizes nationwide commodity pricing, and accelerates regional integration.

NATIONAL RAIL & URBAN MASS TRANSIT: The government has historically decentralized rail development by moving it from the Exclusive List to the Concurrent List, alongside approving $2.99 Billion for metropolitan light rail projects like the Lagos Green Line, Kano Metro, and Kaduna Rail. Concurrently, the cross-border Kano-Maradi Railway is being rapidly advanced to anchor the Trans-Saharan trade corridor.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE: Empowering states and the private sector to build rail networks breaks federal monopolies and drives competitive urban development. Affordable mass transit slashes daily commute costs for millions of urban workers, directly boosting city productivity. On a macro scale, the cross-border rail links tap into the landlocked markets of the Sahel, positioning Nigeria as the dominant logistical hub for West African trade.

STRATEGIC REVITALIZATION OF THE OIL AND GAS SECTOR: Far from being neglected, the oil and gas sector is undergoing strategic restructuring under President Tinubu to boost domestic utilization, drive energy security, and accelerate the transition to sustainable fuel:

THE PRESIDENTIAL CNG INITIATIVE
(Pi-CNG): This groundbreaking program serves as a direct strategic buffer against high fuel costs by aggressively accelerating the transition to Compressed Natural Gas. By driving the mass deployment of CNG conversion kits, establishing nationwide refueling infrastructure, and rolling out CNG-powered mass transit buses, the administration is drastically reducing commercial transportation costs across all six geopolitical zones.

DECENTRALIZATION & REFINERIES SUPPORT: The administration altered regulatory policy to ensure domestic crude supply obligations are met—most notably supporting the fully operational Dangote Refinery and advancing the rehabilitation of state-owned refineries (Port Harcourt and Warri) to ensure local fuel sufficiency.

GAS- TO-POWER INFRASTRUCTURE: Accelerated investments are being funneled into the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) Gas Pipeline project and gas processing facilities to anchor industrial clusters across the country, aiming to maximize Nigeria’s 200+ trillion cubic feet of proven gas reserves.

GOVERNMENT HEALTH INTERVENTIONS FOR INDIGENT PATIENTS
To shield the most vulnerable Nigerians from catastrophic healthcare expenses, the government has scaled up targeted social health interventions:

THE BASIC HEALTH CARE PROVISION FUND (BHCPF):
The administration redesigned the BHCPF to channel massive funding directly to over 8,000 Primary Health Care (PHC) centers across the country. A dedicated portion of this fund goes toward providing a basic minimum package of health services for Nigerians who cannot afford health insurance premium payments.

SECTOR-SPECIFIC VULNERABLE GROUP FUNDS: Operating through the
National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA)the government is expanding the Vulnerable Group Fund. This framework subsidizes or fully covers medical insurance premiums for indigent citizens, pregnant women, children under five, and the elderly.

CANCER HEALTH FUND (CHF)
The government maintains and has expanded the CHF initiative, which specifically provides subsidized or fully funded chemotherapy, radiation, and surgical care for indigent cancer patients at designated federal tertiary hospitals across the geopolitical zones.

THE HUMAN COST:
FACING THE REALITY OF THE BROKEN EGGS.
Yet, the ultimate test of structural transformation lies not just in macro-economic data or newly laid concrete, but in the micro-realities of the Nigerian dining table.
There is an undeniable “dark side” to these reform phases—a period of severe economic friction where the removal of structural distortions has translated into high inflation, elevated transportation costs, and a deeply strained cost of living for the average citizen.
Opposition figures and independent civic bodies reason that the viability of these arguments at the ballot box will ultimately depend on whether macro-reforms successfully translate into lowered living costs, improved public security, and heightened citizen prosperity before the election.

While there is a consensus that these hardships are painfully real, leading to widespread frustration across the federation, but in the mathematics of true nation-building, eggs must be broken if the nation is ever to enjoy the omelette of permanent prosperity.

Ultimately, history teaches us that a grand destiny is never forged without friction. We are living through the reality of the broken eggs—the painful, necessary fracturing of an unsustainable, decaying status quo.
But let it be known that these are not the fragments of ruin; they are the shattered shells of a past we had to outgrow.

From the crucible of these fierce reforms, a magnificent new dawn is hatching. The old, fragile shell has been broken precisely so that a resilient, unstoppable economic giant can finally step forth, spread its wings, and claim its rightful dominion in the sun.

GOVT. MUST COME DOWN TO THE MASSES ON THE GROUND; To bridge this critical empathy gap, the government must actively descend from institutional heights and meet the masses on the ground through a radical grassroots communication strategy.

Rather than relying on technical economic bulletins and high-level press briefings from Abuja, the administration needs a decentralized engagement model that uses local town halls, market square interactions, and traditional rulers across all six geopolitical zones and the FCT.

By translating complex policies into indigenous languages and transparently explaining the sequencing of the reforms, the government can transform an imposing policy agenda into a shared, understood national journey.

True public buy-in is built on the visible, direct deployment of safety nets that match the scale of the sacrifices being made.

Persuading the populace to stay the course requires the administration to show exactly where the rescued wealth from these broken eggs is being distributed in real time.

Accelerating the visible rollout of localized relief, lowering food distribution bottlenecks, and showing immediate infrastructural returns in vulnerable communities, will demonstrate that the current economic pain is not a permanent condition, but the unavoidable labor pains of a secure and self-sufficient New Nigeria.

THE COURSE TO PROSPERITY;
The measure of historic leadership has never been found in the comfort of status quo politics, but in the courage to dismantle it.

President Bola Tinubu’s administration has consistently demonstrated the rare political will required to confront Nigeria’s most deeply entrenched distortions head-on. Where previous leadership cycles chose short-term popularity and costly postponements, this presidency has deliberately deployed its political capital to enact structural, surgical reforms.

Beyond the immediate, difficult adjustments of these reforms lies a meticulously designed blueprint for enduring Nigerian prosperity and physical security. The strides taken across his first term are foundational pillars engineered to support a modern, self-sustaining federation.

This is the handiwork of a deft political strategist who understands that true nation-building requires structural strength over superficial praise. President Tinubu’s distinct footsteps clearly point toward a decentralized, economically resilient Nigeria where local government autonomy is respected and every region shares in the commonwealth.

The proof of this vision is already surfacing in our national indicators; Structural transformations do not yield instant miracles, but according to the
National Bureau of statistics, NBS,
the foundations being laid today are rock-solid, with Nigeria’s economy expanding at a resilient 4.43% growth rate while headline inflation continues its steady downward drop.

President Tinubu’s vision refuses to offer cosmetic band-aids, choosing instead to bear the political weight of foundational reforms so that the generations of tomorrow can inherit a stable, thriving economy.

A masterclass in Political Strategy, President Tinibu clearly commands a historic capacity to forge cross-regional alliances, manage complex legislative dynamics, and maintain stability during deep economic shifts as evidence of an unmatched political acumen

As we look toward 2027, the choice before every well-meaning citizen is between returning to the volatile illusions of the past or consolidating the hard-won foundation of a New Nigeria.

True transformation demands patience, continuity, and an unyielding belief in the trajectory now set before us. By standing firmly behind a leader whose courage, visionary reforms, and unmatched political wit have finally unlocked the path to our true potential.

Let us confidently stay the course, protect our shared progress, and vote to accelerate our shared journey toward a prosperous, united, and secure future under the Renewed Hope Agenda – so as to ensure that our temporary sacrifices and pain we have shared yield permanent prosperity.##

soknanshedulishaku@gmail.com.
National coordinator,
Congress of Minority of Northern Nigeria, CMNN.
writes from Abuja.

Opinion

THE PLANED PURPORTED PARALLEL ENDORSEMENT FOR TOMORROW IS NOT IN THE INTEREST OF EGGON BUT THE SELF FEW INDIVIDUALS INTEREST.

Published

3 weeks ago

October 3, 2026

Our Reporter

We wish to let the entire Eggon people both home and diaspora Know of a planned purported endorsement that is about to come up tomorrow being Saturday 3rd October 2026,by some individuals in the name of Eggon critical stakeholders, which is being championed by Hon. Ali Akpandom whom is an identified loyalist to an interested party in the whole of this game (HON. LABARAN MAKU),The same Ali Akpandom was among some selected personalities that went round the state some few weeks ago to make public appeal to APC Stakeholders to pick CHIEF EMMANUEL MICHEAL UMBUGADU as the running mate to the APC Governorship candidate Senator Ahmed Aliyu Wadada.
That singular act alone is not just an action against the interest and the agitation of the majority Eggon nation who clearly stated that we can’t settle for the position of deputy at this time.

Hon Kpandom who already knew clearly that a well respected Eggon arm (EGGON POLITICAL FORUM)That has membership across the three senatorial zones and diaspora already endorsed the Candidature of RT. HON. DR. DAVID EMMANUEL OMBUGADU that is widely celebrated not just among the Eggon but other ethnic nationalities,yet chose to undermine this popular position of the Eggon nation to do otherwise,without any consideration for the posable future negative consequences this act will have on the unity of the Eggon Nation, and by extension the other indigenous people of Nasarawa State looking up to us.
Notwithstanding I wish to call on the attention of all the Eggon sons and daughters both home and diaspora, other ethnic nationalities that are fully ready to support RT. HON. DR. DAVID EMMANUEL OMBUGADU Never to see the soon to be so called parallel endorsements as any form of confusion among the Eggon, but should see it as an attempt by some usual few selfish elites to disrupt Eggon chances of producing a Governor come 2027.

Eggon people have settled for Ombugadu not for any interest but is the most widely acceptable candidate among the six Candidates of Eggon extractions and has gain support and acceptability among other ethnic groups in the state, as such we can’t afford to miss out on this sellable candidate for any other one as it’s going to be an unwise and avoidable error of going to the market with an unsellable candidate while we already have the best at hand.

We wish to call on Elder Ali kpandom and his group to desist from engaging in any act that is capable of inserting serious confusion and lack of mutual consensus among the Eggon people this time because we equally understood that the fate of other ethnic nationalities in Nasarawa state to getting the natives into the seat of Governor lies in the unity and mutual consensus of the Eggon people at this time.

We wish to call on the Eggon people, both home and diaspora,the general public to disregard any form of parallel endorsements that will be done by any group in whatsoever disguise aside that which has already been done by the Eggon political forum this same forum has endorsed Hon Maku not once in the past even against Late Sen Ewuga , why this disruption now.
We are not in anyway against any candidate they still wanted to vote for, but we wish to declare categorically that it’s not in the interest of Eggon but the interest of the few.

THANK YOU FOR YOUR UNDERSTANDING AND USUALLY COOPERATION.

Courtesy:A concerned son of the land.

Opinion

Alia’s 2027 Ticket Faces Fresh Legal Uncertainty as APC Crisis Deepens

Published

2 months ago

September 11, 2026

Our Reporter

For nearly three years, the political crisis within the Benue State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has largely been portrayed as a power struggle between Governor Hyacinth Alia and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume.

However, recent developments suggest that the dispute over control of the party could have wider legal and political implications as the 2027 general elections approach.

The crisis intensified earlier this year when rival camps conducted parallel state congresses and produced separate chairmen for the APC in Benue.

The Akume-aligned faction returned Austin Agada as state chairman, while the faction loyal to Governor Alia elected Benjamin Omale.

The emergence of two chairmen and competing claims to control of the party has further exposed the depth of the internal division.

The dispute has also raised questions about the legal consequences of competing party structures, particularly following a Court of Appeal judgment delivered in June 2026.

The appellate court affirmed the Austin Agada-led State Executive Committee and upheld an earlier decision nullifying the dissolution of that executive by the APC National Working Committee.

The court also sustained an order declaring the activities of the Benjamin Omale-led caretaker committee “null, void and of no effect whatsoever.”

The judgment has since become a major reference point in the continuing struggle for control of the APC structure in Benue.

Political observers note that the significance of party structures extends beyond the office of state chairman. Party executives play important roles in organising congresses, managing delegate processes, supervising primaries and implementing decisions relating to the nomination of candidates.

This has brought the dispute into sharper focus ahead of the 2027 elections, particularly over the possible legal implications for candidates whose nominations may be linked to disputed party structures.

A group of APC stakeholders is reportedly examining the possible legal consequences of the judgment and the continued existence of rival structures within the party.

The concern, according to those familiar with the matter, is whether political processes conducted through structures subsequently found to lack legal validity could become the subject of litigation.

Candidates loyal to Governor Alia whose nominations were subsequently overturned by the APC National Working Committee are already challenging the party’s decisions in court. Among them is former Benue Governor, Senator Gabriel Suswam.

At the centre of the emerging debate is whether the invalidation of a party structure could affect subsequent political processes conducted through that structure.

No court has, however, ruled that Governor Alia is ineligible to contest the 2027 governorship election, and there is currently no judgment declaring him barred from seeking re-election.

The potential issue, rather, concerns the relationship between the legitimacy of party structures and the validity of nomination processes conducted under those structures.

Nigeria’s electoral history contains several instances in which internal party disputes over congresses, delegate lists, executives and primary elections eventually resulted in prolonged litigation over candidates and nominations.

Against this background, the continued crisis within the Benue APC could assume greater significance as political parties begin preparations for the 2027 electoral cycle.

The conduct of parallel congresses following a Court of Appeal judgment affirming one faction’s leadership could potentially generate further legal questions over authority, compliance with party rules and the validity of subsequent decisions.

For Governor Alia, the immediate reality is that no court has declared him ineligible to contest the next election. However, continued uncertainty over the party’s structure could expose his political camp to further litigation and create complications during the nomination process.

The governor has also faced allegations from political opponents that more than N100 billion in public funds has been expended in efforts to secure control of APC structures over the past three years. The allegation remains disputed and would require evidence to establish.

What is increasingly clear is that the struggle for control of the APC in Benue has moved beyond a conventional political disagreement. It is now playing out simultaneously across political, legal and party-administrative fronts.

As the 2027 electoral cycle draws closer, the unresolved questions surrounding the APC’s leadership and nomination processes could become increasingly consequential for the party and its candidates.

For now, there is no judicial pronouncement preventing Governor Alia from appearing on the 2027 ballot. But if the stakeholders reportedly considering legal action proceed with a challenge over the circumstances of his nomination, the governor could face another significant legal battle as the election approaches.