Opinion

OPINION: WHY THE NORTHERN IDENTITY AND UNITY GO BEYOND PERCEPTIONS.

Published

12 months ago

August 17, 2025

By: A G Abubakar

The fact that the North has been in turmoil for the past two and a half decades is no news. Kids born in the dawn of the troubled region may not understand that the North used to be the most peaceful, stable, and very accommodating region of the country. Quiet a far cry from its current toxic ethno-religious and economic relations, driven largely by self-serving political interests and religious bigotry. Narratives that discounted the North’s geography, historical experiences, and the interconnectednes of the diverse groups that shaped its uniqueness.

The North may be going through rough time, but the potential to pull itself from the brink is in no doubt. Already, some soul searching and open engagements about the future are gaining traction across the board. The growing narrative is that the North’s destiny lies in its hands. It has to take the lead in finding the needed solutions. Though some engagements could, at times, be venomous, it is better than continuing to be in a state of denial. Other silver linings on the horizon include a growing tech-savvy and entrepreneurial base among the young generation and Arewa-centric Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) all rising to the occasion, especially the challenges in governance in the region.

How The Rot and Change of Perception May Have Set in

Years of bad governance with its concomitant socioeconomic challenges may have turned the peoples of the North on each other. And, that’s understandable. The logic is simple. Since the phenomenon of socioeconomic deprivations are invisible, the natural instinct is for victims to start interrogating the causes outside themselves. The range of “suspects” could include the next tribe, ethnic group, religion, and even political formation. In the circumstance circumstances, words are taken out of context, actions are misinterpreted, misunderstanding ensued, and conflicts get easily ignited. Nothing unites like a performing economy in a diverse setting.

A once upon a harmonious way of life, has given way to a vicious cycle of conflicts. Opportunists in the form of third parties, politicians, pastoralists, and preachers soon took advantage of the resultant cracks; widening them further. Where pastures and water are available in abundance, like in the Benue enclave, the conflicts could be largely triggered between herders and farmers over access, process, and potential farm infringement. Since farming and pastoralism, as occupations, are practiced by distinct groups, the strained relationship tends to easily acquire religious or tribal colourations, e.g, Tiv/Christian farmer vs. Fulani/Muslim herder. A purely economic calling is fought on the ethno-religious front.

It is this poorly managed economic relationship that has been fueling the crisis in such places as Plateau, Taraba, Adamawa and Borno, Niger, Kogi, Kaduna, and Nasarawa states. With the economic divisions firmly entrenched, politicians step in to form an electoral capital out of the people’s fears, apprehensions, and sentiments. They invoke the message of “us against them” or them” against us.” Words and expressions like, “we got to stand up for our rights,” “it’s our land, and we are ready to defend with the last drop of our lives,” “so vote for us to free yourself from domination,” soon rent the air.

Then comes the clerics, who interpret the fault lines (bad governance, economic deprivations) as divine punishment for transgression. They position themselves to redeem the situation by harvesting and promoting to widening their bases. Thus, fueling the divisions further. Bad governance, a man-made phenomenon, dressed as religious and/or ethnic pursuits constitutes the Northern challenge. A development that is likely to continue into the foreseeable future because of the increasingly poor capacity to manage the region’s diversity. This is as constituent parts of the region behave as if they existed mutually exclusive of each other in history, with requisite narratives in support of the perception.

The Common Historical Experiences and Antecedents

Fortunately, the challenges of unity are redeemable given the long-standing shared values and outlook shaped by both geography and historical experiences. History tells that the maze of relationships and unity among peoples of the North were predicated on three epochs and three (3) layers of common experience in descending order. They include:

the Colonial era (1900-1960), >pre-Colonial periods of the:
(i) Hausa City-states (1359-1808),
(ii) Kwararrafah Empire (14th Century-1840),
(iii) Kanem-Borno Empire (1376-1902),
Sokoto Caliphate, (1804-1904).
The empires of Borno, Kwararrafah, and the Hausa City-states existed side by side for centuries, though with fluid boundaries. The City-states were seven in number. They had no central authority and were united only by the Hausa language and some common cultural practices. The City-states comprised Daura, Katsina, Kano, Gobir, Rano, Zazzau (Zaria), and Biram (Hadeja) (Bala Usman, 2006).

Except for the Hausa City-states, too, the compositions of the Kwararrafah, Kanem-Borno, the Sokoto Caliphate, and the Colonial North were very diverse in terms of ethnicity and culture. The City-states of the time cover today’s Hausa land. The loosely organised Kwararrafah comprised present day’s ethnic nationalities like Tiv, Idoma, Igala, Nupe, Gbagi (Gwari), Babur, Bolewa, Jarawa, Jukun, Angas, Zuru, Atyyap, Zuru, (Dakkarawa) and many more.

The fact of occupying the same geographic space was more or less a “fait accompli” in making the diverse groups to deal with each other in matters of both peace and conflicts. A sort of, for better or for worse. During times of peace, they exchanged goods and services (trading), just as conflicts were rife as well. Geography could therefore be considered as providing the first and also natural context for a common experience among the diverse Northern groups. The Jukuns and their allies, for instance, traded with the Zazzau, Kano, and Katsina for a long time. They equally waged wars of supremacy against each other. According to the Kano Chronicle, the Jukuns at certain periods controlled Kano’s surroundings. Those interactions certainly entailed subtle exchange of cultures and traditions. The Jukun influences are still visible in some Karaye communities of Kano. According to Fremantle, J.M, a historian on Kwararrafah, the entity’s influence also extended to such places as Kano, Katsina, Borno, the lands of Igala, Idoma, Igbira and others, in between.

Within the Kwararrafah itself, groups like Nupe and Igala shared some historical ties through an Igala prince, Tsoede, who was believed to have founded the “original” Nupe kingdom. This was, as the Nupe interacted (war and peace) with the Katsinawa to the North. The Nupe also was a defining fortress for the North to the West, where it created a buffer zone that extended as far as Offa. Nupe was actually destabilised and, on occasions, sacked Offa between 1448 and 1567. Today a Fulani dynasty is one of KinNupe ruling families.
The Igala did a similar job to the South where they fortified northern fringes of Igbo land with North. They networked with their neighbouring Idoma cousins to the north-east, up to the Tiv, Gbagi, and Jukun enclaves. The legendary Queen Amina (1533-1610) of Zazzau (Zaria) died and was buried in Okpachala Ogbagba, a community near IdahIgala land after a failed expedition.

The Jukun group had a close, though at times, checkered relationships with inhabitants of the northeast. It engaged in a couple of wars with Kanem Borno, just as both of them engaged other parts of the Hausaland at different times. It was like a merry-go-round in an interdependence relationship during which person-to-person as well as commercial interactions ensued. At no time, therefore, did the groups – majority or minority – operate exclusive of one another.

The historical relationships continued until the arrival of Dan Fodio, the Fulani Islamic reformer on the scene. A part of the second layer of regional experience. He was able to bring a huge cross section of the North under his Islamic Caliphate called the Sokoto Caliphate. About thirteen flag bearers of the Caliphate were appointed across the region to propagate and safeguard the theocratic message of “purifying” the practice of Islam as a way of life. This experience, to a large extent, has had an impact in shaping the Northern muslim outlook, irrespective of ethnic or cultural backgrounds.

Then came the third wave; the colonialists who declared the region a British Protectorate. They went on to revoke the charter of the Royal Niger Company and formally imposed the British rule. That was in 1900 and it marked the formal beginning of the colonial period in Northern Nigeria. The administration dislodged the Sokoto Caliphate in1903. Thereafter, Western education was introduced along with Christianity, largely in the non-Muslim areas of the region. Like in the case of Islam, the new phenomena (western education and Christianity), added another layer of common values over the North; that impacted the lives, relationships and worldview of the region as well. Call it modernity.

The post-Colonial era saw the Sardauna, Ahmadu Bello, at the helm of affairs as the premier of defunct Northern Nigeria. He was able to use the experience of the Colonial Administration (extension of the third wave) to galvanise and unite the region into a cohesive entity.
Using an all-inclusive team and appropriate policy frameworks, based on the principles of one North, one people, and one destiny.

The Northern government’s cabinet composition and its holistic development policy remain a model to date. The engine room of the Administration of the Time included David Lot, Peter Achimugu, G.U.Ohikere, Hassan Lemu, Michael Audu Buba, Dr. R.A.B.Dikko, Aliyu Obaje, Rwang Pam, Jolly Tanko Yusuf, Audu Obekpa, Abdulrahaman Okene, Tanko Kuta, Muhammad Ribaɗu, Isa Koto, Sunday Awoniyi, Ibrahim Biu, Sir Kashim Ibrahim, Ahmed Talib, Aliyu Makaman Bida, J.A. Aberigbe, Ahmed Talib, Bukar Shuaib, Mahmud Jega, Yahaya Gusau, Isa Kaita, Patrick Dokotri, Ahman Pategi, etc. It was also alleged that the Sardauna was fond of Chukwuma Nzegwu, fondly referred to as Major Kaduna. The names of the Sardauna’s team are indicative of both ethnic and religious backgrounds. For sure inclusiveness couldn’t look any better!

The development process was very equitable and strategic. Capital projects were distributed across the region. There was no attempt to skew infrastructure to individual’s enclaves. Some of the region’s infrastructure at the time include, College of Agriculture, Kabba, Secondary Schools in Dekina, Bida, Keffi, Okene. A University College (now ABU, Zaria) and Agricultural Research Centre, both in Zaria and also a Veterinary School Vom, Jos. Forest Reserves and Plantations were established in Mokwa, Falgore, and other places, including the first irrigation scheme in the North at Yau, in the Chad Basin region of Born. Non was sited in Rabah, Sardauna’s home town. Neither also went to Gusau, Kaita, or Jega, the place of origin of some of his right-hand officers.

The efficacy of mutual accommodation and tolerance on the North’s unity had been profound, especially in the realm of inter-ethnic relations. The Tiv and Fulani fable of “Mun ci” (we have eaten, the cow you left in our care), the Kanuri and Fulani are joke-mate, too. So are the Gobirawa and Yoruba, the Babur and Bolewa/Karaikarai, Kanawa and Zagizagi, etc, all signifying historical cordiallity

Some Of The Contemporary Realities

History tells that many famous families across the North were actually guests at some point, and they became fully integrated into their hosts’ communities without qualms. Sometimes of the famous settler-to-indegines families include the Yakasais, Abachas, Shinkafis, Bawa Garbas, Chanchangis, Tofas, Musa ‘Yar aduas, etc

The Shinkafi brothers, Umaru and Mamuda, from Gashua, in today’s Yobe State, were Marafan Sokoto and Zamfara State governor, respectively.
H.E. former state governor Shekarau, allegedly has links with the North East enclave. He became a governor in the Kano state and currently a Sardaunan, Kano.
The Wazirin Katsina, Ibrahim Ida’s family is believed to be of Igala extraction, allegedly too. He now holds sway in Katsina royal palace.
Elder statesman, Tanko Yakasai, Jukun has represented Kano in Federal Legislature, Executive Council, and now a respected elder in Kano.

The Bashir Tofas and the Abachas are, for instance, the first exclusively-Hausa-speaking generations of their Kanuri families in Kano. Their parents came to Kano as Kanuri merchants. Hon. Shehu Bawa Garba that represented Kaduna North in the State House of Assembly is Bura from Garkiɗa, Adamawa, while the scions of Ahmadu Chanchangi who are now power brokers in Kaduna are of Jukun origin from Taraba. Currently, one Hon. Nelson Chukwu Cyprian Len represents Nguroje Constituency in Taraba State House of Assembly. His story is similar to that of Tudun-Wada-born Comrade Shehu Sani, who became a Senator representing Kaduna North between 2015 and 2019, belonging to one of the tribes of Niger State. In 1961, Ibrahim Imam of Borno Youth Movement (BYM) contested and won an election to represent Tiv District in the defunct Northern House of Assembly.

Today, the ruling dynasty in Lafiya, Nasarawa state is Kanuri, just as one of the three or so families in Zazzau remains Kanuri too. Ja’afaru ɗan Ishaku was the 26th Emir of Zazzau and the 9th in the Kanuri dynasty.

The Bachama (Bwatiye) people of Adamawa (North East) are believed to come from Gobir (North West) before settling at the banks of river Benue. A mutual exchange of goodwill still thrives between the two groups especially during respective traditional leadership installations. Their immediate neighbours in Borno especially the Babur and Bura share a lot of traditions with the Jukun and Gbagi peoples. The royal totem or insignia of Crocodile is held in reverence in the palaces of Aku Uka of Wukari and Emir of Biu. This is regardless of the fact that the Biu ruling dynasty is believed to be of Kanuri and Mandara origin. The Gbagi that shares boundaries with parts of Kebbi share the tradition of carrying load on the shoulder instead of head with the Babur of the North East. Both have culinary culture that includes mbuli and machikle (a fermented and unfermented food leftover) that are at times consumed with garden eggs.

Musa ‘Yar Adu’a Snr (1912) the father of Shehu and Umar was of Kanuri extraction as well. His mother a Katsina princess was married to a Kanuri Islamic scholar. That was during the reign of Muhammad Dikko, 1906 to 1944. Umaru ended as a president of the Federal Republic.

With all the historical mix and antecedents on how the Northern region and its peoples evolved as an entity, the narrative to effect that it never was a distinct sociocultural mosaic or tapestry, might just be a self-serving one. For sure, the Northern unity may not be a perfect entity, but then, no unity is. Nations and regions remain work in progress. The trouble with the region has to do with decades of mismanagement and poor sense of proportion on the part of successive leaderships.

Literally, bad governance, that has created a high sense of disaffection, disillusionment and disharmony across the region. Nothing disunite people like deprivations, and Northerners are grappling with this phenomenon more than ever before. It’s a region simply not working. Things have to change. Fortunately, this reality is gaining traction across the the North despite the call from some quarters that it needs to be dismembered, which is a jaundiced perception.

Keeping It Together Is Still The Way To Go

Truth was, should the North get dismembered, every successor component part shall have the old North in it. The lines demarcation may seem clear in the head but the reality shall be the opposite. Let the factors that are causing the ill feelings, which are basically two, be addressed. They are; justice and equity across ethno-religious divide and the adoption of a general sense of proportion in governance at all levels.

The followership too needs to be better informed. Ignorance plays a huge part in the challenges across the North. The task may be onerous but it is feasible. The Northern family is a by-product both geopolitical and historical realities than myths. Let the North shall rise again.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

Opinion

OPEN LETTER TO HIS EMINENCE, THE SULTAN OF SOKOTO

Published

45 minutes ago

August 16, 2026

Our Reporter

NIGERIA BELONGS TO ALL OF US

I have written this open letter to His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III, CFR, mni, Sultan of Sokoto and President-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, with profound respect for his office and for the historic institution he represents.

This is not an attack on Islam, neither an attack on Christianity.

Also, It is not an attempt to diminish the historical importance of the Sultanate, rather, it is a sincere contribution to a conversation I believe Nigeria must have with greater honesty, courage and intellectual maturity:

What does equal citizenship mean in Nigeria?

Our country has a complex history involving kingdoms, caliphates, indigenous political systems, colonialism, amalgamation, independence, religion, ethnicity and competing political traditions.

But after all that history, one question remains fundamental:

Who does Nigeria belong to? My answer is simple:

Nigeria belongs to all Nigerians.

I am publishing this letter openly because I believe conversations of this magnitude should not be confined to private rooms.

I hope it reaches His Eminence.

More importantly, I hope it reaches Nigerians—Muslims and Christians alike—who believe that our future must be built on equal citizenship, mutual respect, constitutional democracy and a shared sense of belonging.

I invite people to read this letter in that spirit.

Not as a provocation or as a religious argument. But as an invitation to think.

AN OPEN LETTER TO HIS EMINENCE, ALHAJI MUHAMMAD SA’AD ABUBAKAR III, CFR, mni

SULTAN OF SOKOTO AND PRESIDENT-GENERAL, NIGERIAN SUPREME COUNCIL FOR ISLAMIC AFFAIRS

Your Eminence,

OUR HISTORY MUST BE REMEMBERED HONESTLY—BUT IT MUST NOT BECOME A CLAIM ON THE FUTURE

Nigeria’s history contains great Muslim civilisations and political institutions.

Kanem-Bornu, the Hausa states and the Sokoto Caliphate represent important chapters in the history of the territories that eventually became Nigeria.

The Sokoto Caliphate, in particular, became one of the most influential Islamic political formations in West Africa.

That history deserves recognition and respect.

But history presents us with an important question:

Does historical political authority confer permanent political ownership?

I believe the answer must be no.

The British colonial conquest and occupation of the territories that now constitute Nigeria occurred over decades, with the conquest of the Sokoto Caliphate culminating in 1903. The Northern and Southern Protectorates were subsequently amalgamated in 1914, and Nigeria achieved independence in 1960.

Whatever political arrangements existed before colonial consolidation, the Nigeria that emerged as a modern sovereign state ultimately became a constitutional republic in which citizenship could not legitimately be based upon the political history of one religion, ethnic group, kingdom or region.

Nigeria became something larger than all of those histories.

It became a country.
And that country belongs equally to the Muslim, the Christian, the adherent of another faith, and the citizen who professes no religion.

Your Eminence, Nigeria’s Constitution does not establish either Islam or Christianity as the religion of the Nigerian state.

Section 10 provides that:

“The Government of the Federation or of a State shall not adopt any religion as State Religion.”

Section 38 protects freedom of thought, conscience and religion.

Section 42 further provides constitutional protection against discrimination on the basis of religion, among other grounds.

These provisions are not merely legal technicalities. They represent an important national compact.

They establish principles of religious neutrality, religious freedom and equal citizenship.

They tell every Nigerian that his or her fundamental rights cannot legitimately depend upon belonging to the “right” religion.

That principle protects Muslims from Christian majoritarianism just as it protects Christians from Muslim majoritarianism.

And therefore, defending constitutional religious neutrality is not an attack on Islam neither an attack on Christianity.
It is protection for both.

THE DIFFICULT QUESTION OF POLITICAL SYMBOLISM

Your Eminence, this is where I believe our national conversation requires greater intellectual honesty.

A political arrangement can have two realities simultaneously:
its strategic reality and its symbolic reality.

Strategically, politicians may see a particular political ticket as an effective coalition, an electoral calculation, a mechanism for consolidating support or a means of improving political cohesion.

But citizens may interpret exactly the same arrangement symbolically.

They may ask:
Who is represented?
Who is included?
Who is excluded?
What does this say about the distribution of power?
What does this mean for people like me?

This distinction became particularly visible in Nigeria’s debate over the Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket.

Some citizens saw strategy while others saw symbolism.
Some saw political competence, Others saw the possibility of religious exclusion.
Both reactions can exist simultaneously.

A mature democracy must therefore be capable of understanding not only what a political arrangement is, but also what people believe that arrangement means.

This is not an argument against Muslims occupying political office nor should it be an argument against Christians occupying political office.

It is an argument for understanding the enormous responsibility that comes with political symbolism in a deeply religious society.

Political leaders must therefore understand that electoral strategy does not exist in a vacuum. Every political decision is interpreted through the lived experiences, fears, hopes and historical memories of the citizens who encounter it.

That is why responsible leadership requires both strategic intelligence and sensitivity to political meaning.

The Muslim citizen must not feel like a tolerated Nigerian, neither should the Christian.

This is perhaps the most important principle I wish to communicate.

A Christian should never have to feel that his citizenship is conditional upon political accommodation by Muslims. A Muslim should never have to feel that his citizenship is conditional upon political accommodation by Christians.

Neither should have to prove that his loyalty to Nigeria is greater than his loyalty to his faith.

Both should be able to say:

“Nigeria is my country, and nobody needs to give me permission to belong here.”

That is the Nigeria we should be building.

Your Eminence, traditional and religious leaders occupy a unique position in Nigerian society.

Political leaders come and go.
Governments change.
Political parties rise and fall.
But institutions such as the Sultanate carry historical memory.
That gives your words a different weight.

When a politician speaks about religion, Nigerians may suspect political calculation but when a respected religious leader speaks about coexistence, citizenship and national unity, the message can carry a moral authority that politics often cannot achieve.

This is why I believe the Sultanate has an extraordinary opportunity.

Not merely to speak for Muslims, But to speak to Nigeria.
To say clearly that the greatness of Islam in Nigeria does not require the political diminishment of Christianity. And equally, that the flourishing of Christianity in Nigeria does not require the political diminishment of Islam.

The strength of one faith should not require the weakness of another.

The security of one community should not depend upon the insecurity of another.

And the political advancement of one Nigerian should never require the political humiliation of another Nigerian simply because of religion.

WE SHOULD MOVE BEYOND THE COMPETITION FOR RELIGIOUS OWNERSHIP OF NIGERIA

There is a dangerous psychological temptation in deeply divided societies.

Each community begins to measure its security by the amount of power the other community possesses.

Then politics becomes a permanent struggle for religious arithmetic.

Who has the President?
Who has the Vice President?
Who controls the security institutions?
Who appoints judges?
Who controls the legislature?
Who controls the governors?
Who controls the economy?
And eventually, citizens stop asking the most important question:
Does the country work for everyone?

That is where we must break the cycle.

Nigeria cannot become great by producing a permanent contest between Muslim political power and Christian political power.

It can become great when both communities begin demanding something larger:

competent political power exercised for the common good.

The ultimate measure of political leadership should not be the religion of the person holding office.

It should be the quality of governance, the protection of citizens, the fairness of institutions, the security of communities and the opportunity available to every Nigerian.

PERHAPS OUR GREATEST NATIONAL TEST IS NOT RELIGIOUS DOMINANCE—BUT MUTUAL TRUST

Your Eminence, I believe Nigeria’s deepest problem is not simply that Muslims distrust Christians or Christians distrust Muslims.

It is that decades of political competition, violence, injustice, insecurity, corruption and unequal experiences of citizenship have created an enormous deficit of trust.

Religious suspicion is often the language through which that distrust expresses itself.

Therefore, if we want to defeat religious tension, we must do more than preach tolerance.

We must build institutions that make tolerance unnecessary as a condition of citizenship.

A Nigerian should not need to be tolerated.
He should simply be equal.
A Christian should not need a Muslim’s permission to belong.
A Muslim should not need a Christian’s permission to belong.

Our common citizenship should be the foundation upon which our religious differences are accommodated—not the other way around.

Your Eminence, I respectfully propose that Nigeria’s most respected Muslim and Christian leaders begin a different kind of conversation.

Not another conference where speeches are made and photographs taken.

But a serious national dialogue around five questions:

What does equal citizenship actually mean in Nigeria?
How should religious diversity influence political representation without becoming a mechanism for religious entitlement?
How do we distinguish legitimate political strategy from symbolism that creates unnecessary fear or exclusion?
How can traditional and religious institutions help rebuild trust between communities?
What constitutional, institutional and political reforms are necessary to ensure that no Nigerian believes the country belongs more to another citizen than to himself?

These are difficult questions. But perhaps Nigeria has spent too many decades avoiding difficult questions because they are uncomfortable. And perhaps the price of that avoidance is becoming too high.

Your Eminence, history gives leaders a choice.
Every generation inherits history. But every generation also decides what to do with it.
We can use history as a weapon or wisdom

We can teach our children that Nigeria is a battlefield between religious communities.
Or we can teach them that Muslims and Christians inherited a complicated country together and have the responsibility to make it work together.

We can continue competing over who has the greater historical claim.

Or we can build a country where historical claims do not determine the value of a citizen.

I respectfully believe the latter is worthy of the office you occupy.

The greatest legacy of a historical institution is not merely that it preserves the memory of what once was.

It is that it helps a nation decide what it can become.

My final appeal Your Eminence, I do not ask you to abandon Islam.

I ask you to help Nigerians understand that Islam does not need Nigeria to belong exclusively to Muslims for Muslims to belong completely to Nigeria.

And I would say the same to Christian leaders:

Christianity does not need Nigeria to belong exclusively to Christians for Christians to belong completely to Nigeria.

The future must therefore be bigger than both arguments.

Nigeria must belong to Nigerians.

Not to Muslims.

Not to Christians.

Not to Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Tiv, Fulani, Igala, Idoma, Nupe, or any other ethnic nationality.

Not to the North.

Not to the South.

Not to one historical institution.

To all of us.

That, in my humble view, is the foundation upon which a truly united Nigeria can eventually be built.

I respectfully submit this thought to Your Eminence—not as an accusation, but as an invitation to a deeper national conversation.

May our religious differences become a source of moral strength rather than political division.

May our history become a source of wisdom rather than entitlement.

May our political differences never become a justification for denying one another’s citizenship.

And may the Nigeria we leave our children be a country in which neither Muslim nor Christian ever has to ask:

“Does this country belong to me?”
Because the answer should always be:

“Yes. It is your country too.”

With profound respect,

Dr. Mike Achadu
A Nigerian Citizen

Opinion

OF GOVERNANCE AND THE ZULUMFICATION OF GOVERNANCE IN BORNO: RANDOM MUSSINGS ON GOV. ZULUM’S 3RD YEAR 2ND STANZA.

Published

3 months ago

May 30, 2026

milcah

By: Inuwa Bwala. inuwabwala3@gmail.com

By the time I put down my pen, the media space would have been awash with narratives about the achievements of Mr President and governors, as a mark of celeberation of their third year in office.
I will not bother chronicling what will be told of their achievements, rather I want to look into the curious magic wand that made my own governor to stand differently tall.
One will not find the definition of title coinage for this piece in any conventional English lexicon, but no Nigerian will claim ignorance of what it signifies in our present governance discourse.
Many words have today been personified after certain people, who popularize an idiosyncritic mannerism.
And so, in Borno’s 15-year war against insurgency, Governor Babagana Umara Zulum seem to have chosen an unconventional playbook: governance style, reminisceint of an emergency doctor, not a distant administrator, which led to above coinage.
Three idiosyncrasies define his second term in particular, and the gains are showing on the ground to the effect that, these idiosyncracies gave rise to the coinage: Zulumfication.

Zulum’s trademark has been his unannounced visits; 2am checks on General Hospitals, surprise trips to IDP camps in Monguno, Baga, Damboa and others. Sudden stops on bad roads in Gwoza and unsheduled night overs in dangerous localities, as his routine.
He inspects projects with torchlight and asks hard questions: sometimes sacking absentee staff on the spot.
And the gains have added speed and discipline to government Contracts and civil servants.
They promptly deliver, knowing Zulum could appear any day any time.
This obviously explains how, 238 projects got completed in year one of his second term and 1,195 projects in five years. That urgency earned Governor Babagana Umara Zulum the Nigeria Union of Journalist’s Good Governance Award on Education in 2023.
And while Borno spent about N100bn on security in 2025, Zulum kept prioritizing people, with N727m going to 28,801 tertiary students. N1.5bn covered nursing students’ fees, besides the cash support reacheming 343,293 women.
His logic, has been that, “Education is the real antidote for insurgency. The payoff is human recovery.
Records indicate that, over 1,000 teachers were recruited, 150+ schools rebuilt, and the 104 Mega School Initiative launched. And so, when President Tinubu commissioned three mega schools in Maiduguri in 2026, he called them “tangible evidence of effective governance.” Kids who once hawked on Maiduguri streets are back in class because opportunity replaced despair.

Again, Zulum is known to have zero tolerance for waste. He has queried commissioners live on TV, sacked ghost workers, and confronted contractors who abandoned sites. It nay be uncomfortable in politics, but it works. Borno scored 89.7/100 on the 2025 Governance Accountability & Transparency Index, up from 86.3 in 2024, ranking among Nigeria’s top 10. Ministries now expect scrutiny, and leakages have shrunk.

Zulum blends this with reconstruction plus reconciliation. While 20,000+ resettlement homes house over 1 million returned IDPs, his “Borno Model” has convinced 200,000+ fighters and families to surrender and got reintegrated. Markets in Bama, Dikwa and Gwoza are reopening. Roads are being rebuilt, though insecurity still stalls some projects in southern Borno.

He remains low-profiled but with very high-output, avoiding political noise and letting the work speak. The Muslim News Nigeria honored him with its 2025 Transformational Leadership Award for “courage, accountability, compassion.”

Perfection is not claimed. Pockets of violence persist, and security costs strain finances, but Zulum’s style proves a point
In a crisis situation, presence builds trust, empathy rebuilds people, and accountability restores institutions. Borno is moving from “state of emergency” to “state of reconstruction” — one unannounced visit produces uncommon results.
Thiese in my opinion are amingst the exceptional things governor Babagana Umara has done, which have given rise to his national acclaim as an outstanding performer.

Opinion

Aondoakaa, a Leader Who Opens Doors: My Personal Story of Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN

Published

3 months ago

May 22, 2026

milcah

By Iorwuese Tyopev, PhD

Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, is, in my experience, a transformational leader, and I can personally testify to this from years of direct engagement with him.

Although I initially knew him only casually as an elder brother from Ushongo, our relationship deepened when I approached him to patronise the business I managed as a hotel manager in Abuja. From that point, Siman Suites in Garki became his preferred accommodation whenever he was in the Federal Capital Territory.

Each time he was travelling to Abuja, his usual call would come: “Tyopev, my brother, please keep a room for me, I’m on my way.”

A defining moment in 2006

One of the most memorable moments in our relationship came in 2006 when he was conferred with the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). For his swearing-in ceremony at the Supreme Court, he booked almost the entire hotel for family, friends, and well-wishers who travelled from far and near to celebrate with him.

Beyond the business value, his consistent patronage strengthened my professional standing at the time and positively influenced my performance evaluation at work.

Continued relationship in public service

Our relationship continued after his appointment as Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice in July 2007 under the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

Coincidentally, around the same period, my late boss, Senator J.I. Akaagerger, was elected into office and invited me to serve as his Senior Legislative Aide at the National Assembly. Chief Aondoakaa also expressed interest in bringing me into the Ministry of Justice as an aide. Although I chose to remain with my principal at the National Assembly, he respected my decision and maintained a cordial, brotherly relationship with me.

Prison decongestion intervention

Shortly after assuming office as Minister, he launched a prison decongestion initiative. In September 2007, I submitted an application requesting allocation of prison decongestion cases. He immediately asked whether I had legal representation, and upon confirmation, he promptly assigned several cases to me.

That support continued throughout his tenure until 2010.

Career support and mentorship

By mid-2008, I expressed dissatisfaction with my role at the National Assembly. He advised patience and assured me of better opportunities.

True to his word, in January 2009, he informed me of an opportunity with Dr Paul Orhii, then Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), who agreed to engage me as Special Assistant.

Although I resumed duty, I was later informed—within 30 days—that my services were no longer required due to a change in preference. Chief Aondoakaa was abroad at the time, but upon his return, he reassured me, saying: “Don’t worry, another opportunity will come.”

New opportunity at NAPTIP

Shortly after, I was invited to his residence in Apo, where I met Barr. Simon Chuzi Egede, MON, who had just been appointed Executive Secretary of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP).

There, I was informed that I would serve as Special Assistant to the new Executive Secretary.

In a remarkable turn of events, I received my appointment letter the next day as Special Assistant at Grade Level 16 Step 5, along with an official vehicle and chauffeur. I was also integrated into top management committees and exposed to both national and international engagements.

End of an era and lasting gratitude

Following the death of President Yar’Adua in 2010 and subsequent political changes, Chief Aondoakaa left office as Minister, which also affected my position at NAPTIP due to its political nature.

Looking back, I remain deeply grateful to Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, for his loyalty, mentorship, and willingness to uplift others.

Some leaders inspire with words; others transform lives through action. Chief Aondoakaa, in my experience, belongs firmly to the latter category.

NB: This is Part 1 of a series of reflections on my personal experience with MKA, highlighting his mentorship and support to those around him, shared in anticipation of his birthday on June 12.