By: A G Abubakar

Fighting against injustice can be likened to being in a ring for a title fight. The boxer uses one hand to jab at the opponent, while keeping the other as a defensive shield. Only an unwise pugilist uses the two hands simultaneously. This strategy equally applies in the struggle for socio-political justice. Here, the defensive mechanism of the “agitator” is his economic independence and/or empowerment. A fallback position in case the process gets long drawn out.

Nothing undermines a victim’s struggle like having to depend on his perceived perpetratior or “marginaliser” for sustenance; the very phenomenon that has made the quest for equity by Borno South region for decades to be very elusive. A situation that has made an otherwise vibrant sets of people to progressively become onlookers in affairs of the very polity they call home. The region needs to rejig, before the agitation becomes all talk, lacking in internal capacity to drive it.

As a refresher, the heyday of the people of Southern Borno was during the era of the North Eastern state (1967-1976). The defunct state was one of the 12 that constituted the entire Federal Republic of Nigeria, and it comprised the current states of Yobe, Adamawa, Taraba, Bauchi, and Gombe. The surface area was so large that no single ethnic group could lord it over others. The Hausa, the Fulani, and the Kanuri in the North Eastern state had almost equal weighting. That provided the smaller groups with a wider surface area and opportunities to operate and thrive with minimum pushback, friction, or discrimination. No one group could claim the ownership of the polity.

Persons of Southern Borno extraction, along other minorities such as Minso Gadzama, Ibrahim Biu, Manasa Daniel, Muhammad Abba Gana, Musa Kida, Azi Nyako, A.D. Mamiso, Abubakar Barɗe, Yerima Balla, Yunusa Kaltungo, Shehu Awak, Maina Waziri, Adamu Fika, Zarma Gogaram, etc, played critical roles in the administrative system of the North Eastern state creditably. They were also never judged by their faith, tribal or idealogical inclinations.They were seen and treated simply as public servants contributing their quotas.

Two subsequent states creation exercises changed the plight of the people but not necessarily for the better. The excision of Bauchi and Gongola into independent states in 1976 invadently made the Kanuri the single most dominant group in successor Borno of 1976 and 1991. With this development came the agenda for the “Kanurisation” of the affairs of the state. It has since been an uneasy relationship between the minority tribes of Southern Borno and their majority Kanuri brothers.

Things came to the fore under the nation’s return to democratic rule in 1999. Democracy, as it were, is a game of numbers, and the Kanuri had left no one in doubt that it is willing to play the game to the fullest. The apparatus of governance and representation have all been skewed away from the South- at times with little sense of proportion or fairness. In a rush to entrench total dominance all known forms of iniquities like quarter, embargo, and suppressions are applied against people of Southern Borno extraction in the state service. Matters of employment, promotion, scholarships and the distribution of both social and physical infrastructure are done in discriminatory fashion.

The development is however consistent with two dictums; power blinds and absolute power blinds absolutely, and the other being, power when acquired, never let go voluntarily. At best, it can be negotiated. But never passed on a platter of gold, even among the minority groups themselves.

Ask the Babur and Bura people of Southern Borno if they would want to cede the deputy governor portfolio to other ethnic groups in the zone, and the answer may turn out to be emphatic, “not yet.” The same thing applies to Gwoza region with regards to the position of a Senator. That’s the reality of politics in Borno State and indeed the entire Federation.

The series of state creation by successive governments instead of addressing marginalisation simply created new tiers of majority groups who oppress some hitherto micro ethnic nationalities with vengeance. Its process unwittingly solved some groups’ problems while subjecting others to greater squeeze, especially under a democratic system, where economic deprivations are rife. As the socioeconomic challenges ensue politics and political power invariably become the most viable, and lucrative, channels of “making it in life” within the shortest possible time. People are forced by circumstances of poverty and ignorance to sell their conscience and rights for a bowl of porridge, called palliative. Voting is simply determined by the stomach.

Concerned individuals have been trying to think of a way out of the stifling situation via a call for a power shift or a new state. Power, can be made, to constitutionally rotate across the three senatorial districts in each or more states to be created. Either move however still requires tinkering with the constitution, which is an onerous task. The glimmer of hope is that Southern Borno is not alone in yearning for a start of its own- Savannah. Other groups (Ogun, Oyo, Imo, Enugu, C/Rivers, Kaduna, Kano, Adamawa etc), who also feel the pinch of marginalisation have been clamouring for a state too. Maybe when such groups team up together an answer can be gotten.The option within reach is to “engage” with the bigger stake holders to see the beauty of being their brothers’ keepers, to allow for power rotation. The current power sharing system in most states doesn’t seem to deliver equitable democratic dividends.

Before this epiphany the affected group (s) needed to get up and make do with their comparative advantages; manpower, fertile land, climatic conditions and drive. The people of the zone should stop playing the victim and leverage these advantages to move on. The journey of redemption may not be easy but many groups facing a similar daunting situation have turned their fortunes around by relying on their innate capacities.The Indians, the Lebanese and back home, the Igbo have been doing just that. It’s a matter of willpower , inspiration and a little shoulder to lean on.

Today, few Igbo chaps graduate and place their hopes on public service jobs. They are also not too fanatical about party politics as they are locked in the pursuit of business interests. They simply move out there and struggle as hard as they can. Most, eventually succeed and as such could lead a convenient life outside politics and politicking. Though at times they could operate unconventionally too, which should be avoided. Regardless, one cannot totally discount the catalytic role of government entirely, especially in the provision of the very basic infrastructure (power, roads, security, etc).These factors are crucial even for persons embracing self development. Be that as it may, people can start and make do with what is locally available, and affordable with the help of those in the “diaspora.”

The opportunities at home are in the areas of agriculture and livestock. Already Southern Borno is the food basket of not only Borno but the other neighbouring states of Yobe and Gombe. A little bit more of support with improved seeds, farm inputs and modern techniques can add enormous value to the local farmers. The culture of keeping birds (chicken), ruminants (goats, sheep etc), and fish farming. The Marghi Special, a fish-based menu is a well-known cousin across the country. In Abuja, a restaurant (Səm Msəra) that is biased towards Biu delicacies pulled a lot of patronage. Such endeavours and many others can be promoted and franchised.

Enhancing the acquisition of vocational skill among the youth in Southern Borno can be a source of both job opportunities and income. Already, major cities in the North like Kaduna, Kano, Abuja, Maiduguri and Jos host many well qualified automotive mechanics and furniture producers. The defunct Santana Furniture Factory in Maiduguri might have inspired the business. We will not forget the famous Ali Pindar Kwajaffah garage in Maiduguri or the Butu Ventures of Ibrahim Butu who pioneered the production of school chalks from local raw materials. The lessons in these areas should not be lost on the young generation. The drive should be maintained, expanded, and pushed further.

Southern Borno people have been trailblazers in the areas of health and education. The famous Mini Haha school in Maiduguri was established by Mr and Mrs. Dikko Askira in the 80s. It was the only private kindergarten in town. The Hərku Hospital in Biu was a pioneering effort too. If persons of Southern Borno extraction could do much things decades ago, there is no reason why the younger generation can not follow suit. The professionals and the well to do individuals should support interested persons to undertake such ventures. It’s a question of counselling, confidence building and access to concessionary resources. It is doable within and outside the State.

For the above initiatives to come to fruition there should be a massive programme of entrepreneurship knowledge impartation in the area. Here the elected members of the zone can play a huge role. Instead of distributing palliative only, they should restrategise their interventions to include well rounded and standard entrepreneurial programmes. They can back it up with starter packs where feasible. The approach can serve double purpose; political visibility and sustainable human development.

Thus, while the politicians keep playing their politics, let the creative energies of the generality of Southern Borno be redirected in economically rewarding activities. The factors and opportunities are all there for the taking. Enough of aspiring for Savannah and Power shift, without doing anything else, especially the much we can collectively do, internally. Let all the endeavours and yearnings go pari passu. It should not be a case of either/or. Again, the region, while acting local, should also keep thinking global.

The icing on the call for Borno South to take the bull by the horn would be the fledgling annual unity festivals of Kiɓaku Day, Marama Day, Minwara of Shani and many more in the pipeline. The yearly Summit too, can provide the necessary intellectual and political touches to the development train. With a prosperous Southern Borno even those hanging on to the status quo for pecuniary interests can afford to join the agitation for equity because they can derive similar benefits on the home front. The people can rise above marginalisation if they so choose to. Let the matching with over two million Southern Borno people begin.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com