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Sudan war spills into Chad.Nigeria as critical buffer against widening Sahel insecurity.
The war in Sudan is increasingly taking on a regional character, with its consequences extending beyond the immediate battlefield into neighbouring Chad and creating a widening security arc stretching from the Sahara and Central Africa toward Nigeria and the Gulf of Guinea.
The convergence of Sudan’s protracted conflict, the deepening instability across the Sahel and competition over strategic resources such as gold, uranium and oil is creating a volatile security environment in which Nigeria could increasingly find itself serving as the critical buffer between the conflict-ridden Sahel and the relatively more stable coastal West African states.
What is emerging is no longer a collection of isolated crises, but an interconnected security ecosystem involving armed groups, illicit trafficking networks, displaced populations, foreign interests, mercenary formations and competing external powers.
Sudan lies at the heart of this emerging crisis where fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces since April 2023 has increasingly affected neighbouring states.
Chad has borne one of the heaviest humanitarian consequences of the Sudan conflict, receiving a large population of Sudanese refugees, particularly in the eastern provinces of Ouaddaï, Wadi Fira and Ennedi-Est.
But the security dynamics are changing.
The eastern Chad is no longer merely a humanitarian rear area for the Sudan conflict. It is progressively becoming a frontline, transit and commercial zone where weapons, fighters, minerals and other illicit commodities can move across poorly controlled desert corridors. The Tiné axis, in particular, has become increasingly vulnerable to cross-border violence.
Recent assessment cites a series of reported incursions and attacks along the Chad-Sudan frontier, including clashes involving Chadian forces and civilians, as well as drone attacks around Tiné and Mourdi.
The situation has forced Chad to take increasingly stringent measures along its eastern frontier, including the closure of its border with Sudan following deadly incidents.
The danger, according to the assessment, is that continued fighting in Darfur could progressively transform eastern Chad from a buffer zone into an extension of Sudan’s battlefield. That development would have consequences far beyond Chad.
One of the most troubling dimensions of the emerging crisis is the alleged expansion of an illicit corridor linking Libya, Sudan and Chad, through which weapons, ammunition, fighters and valuable commodities can move across vast areas where state control remains limited.
Security sources identifies routes running from southern Libya through areas such as Kufra and Faya before extending toward Darfur and eastern Chad. Border towns and commercial centres, including Adré, Iriba and Tiné, are identified as important nodes in this expanding regional network.
From there, the illicit flows can connect with routes leading toward Niger, Cameroon and ultimately Nigeria. This is where the crisis becomes particularly important for Nigeria.
Nigeria does not share a border with Sudan, yet developments thousands of kilometres away could eventually affect its security environment through a chain of interconnected corridors.
The most serious concern is the southward movement of small arms and light weapons (SALW).
Sources warns that weapons originating from conflict zones and illicit markets in the Sahara could increasingly move through Niger and Cameroon before entering Nigeria. For Nigeria, the concern is not simply the quantity of weapons entering the country, but who eventually gains access to them.
The country is already confronting multiple armed threats, including Boko Haram and ISWAP terrorism in the North-East, large-scale banditry in parts of the North-West and other forms of organised criminal and separatist violence. An influx of additional weapons, explosives, drones and trained foreign fighters could therefore provide criminal and extremist organisations with new capabilities.
The danger is particularly acute because Nigeria’s northern and eastern borders are connected to a wider regional environment in which armed groups can exploit difficult terrain, informal crossings and established smuggling networks.
Cameroon represents another potential pathway for regional spillover. Sources identifies Kousséri, close to the Chadian border, as well as Garoua-Boulaï and Kentzou along the Central African Republic frontier, as important transit areas in the wider regional security architecture.
For Nigeria, the concern is especially significant in the Far North and along the Lake Chad Basin.
The porous nature of borders across the region means that the movement of weapons, criminals, extremist ideology and displaced populations cannot be treated as separate phenomena. What begins as a conflict in Sudan can therefore generate secondary effects in Chad, Niger and Cameroon before eventually reaching Nigerian territory. Beyond the movement of weapons and fighters lies another increasingly important factor: competition for natural resources. Gold in Darfur and eastern Chad, together with uranium and other strategic minerals in the wider Sahel, has acquired growing geopolitical significance.
It was argued that control of resource-rich areas is becoming intertwined with the financing of armed groups and the deployment of foreign security actors. Where valuable minerals are controlled by armed groups or criminal networks, proceeds from illicit extraction can potentially be converted into weapons, vehicles, communications equipment and other military capabilities.
This creates a dangerous cycle: conflict produces displacement; insecurity enables illicit mining; illicit mining generates revenue; revenue purchases weapons; and weapons prolong conflict. The result is a conflict economy that becomes increasingly difficult for governments to dismantle.
The emerging regional configuration presents both a security challenge and a strategic responsibility for Nigeria, Nigeria is geographically positioned between the troubled Sahel and the Atlantic-facing states of the Gulf of Guinea. Its territory therefore sits downstream of several potential routes for the movement of weapons, fighters, drugs, illicit minerals and extremist networks.
Nigeria is therefore a potential security buffer whose stability could have a decisive influence on whether the current crisis remains concentrated in the Sahel and Central Africa or gradually penetrates deeper into coastal West Africa. But Nigeria is itself under considerable internal security pressure.
In the North-East, troops continue to confront Boko Haram and ISWAP under Operation HADIN KAI. In the North-West, security forces are battling armed bandit networks, while other parts of the country face separate security challenges. This means Nigeria has limited room for complacency.
A major deterioration in Chad, Niger or Cameroon would not necessarily produce an immediate military threat to Nigeria. The more likely danger would be gradual: more illicit crossings, more weapons, more criminal networks, more displaced people and greater opportunities for extremist groups to establish relationships with existing local actors.
The humanitarian consequences could prove as significant as the military implications. Chad is already under substantial pressure from the large number of Sudanese refugees it hosts. Any major deterioration in Darfur or eastern Sudan could trigger another wave of displacement.
Should Chad’s capacity to absorb additional refugees become overwhelmed, displaced populations could seek alternative routes through Niger, Cameroon and potentially toward Nigeria. For the North-East, which continues to deal with the humanitarian consequences of years of Boko Haram and ISWAP violence, another major displacement crisis would place additional pressure on communities, local authorities and humanitarian organisations.
The risk is therefore not simply about where refugees settle. Large, sudden population movements can also create competition over land, water, food, employment and other scarce resources, potentially producing tensions that armed groups can exploit.
Perhaps the most consequential conclusion of the assessment is its characterisation of the emerging situation as the architecture of a possible “Second Africa War” not necessarily a conventional war involving clearly defined opposing armies, but a fragmented conflict system involving states, insurgent groups, criminal networks, mercenaries, foreign interests and resource competition. Such a conflict would be difficult to contain precisely because it would have no single battlefield.
Its frontlines would include desert routes, border communities, mining sites, refugee settlements, trafficking corridors and increasingly the digital and financial spaces used to facilitate illicit networks. The Sudan conflict would remain one of its principal drivers, while instability in the Sahel would provide an existing network through which the effects could travel southwards.
What Nigeria must watch
The immediate priority for Nigeria should therefore be early warning rather than waiting for spillover to become a domestic crisis.
Greater intelligence cooperation with Chad, Niger and Cameroon would be crucial, particularly concerning movements of weapons, foreign fighters, organised criminal groups and illicit commodities. Nigeria would also need stronger surveillance of vulnerable border areas, improved information sharing between security and intelligence agencies, and closer cooperation with regional institutions.
The objective should not be to militarise every border community, but to ensure that authorities can detect emerging trafficking and extremist networks before they acquire sufficient capacity to threaten Nigerian communities. The Lake Chad Basin remains particularly important because it already connects Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon through a security environment shaped by terrorism, displacement, trafficking and environmental pressures.
The warning for Abuja
Nigeria cannot afford to view the Sudan war as a distant conflict. The geographical distance between Sudan and Nigeria may create an illusion of strategic separation, but the region’s informal economies, porous borders and transnational armed networks have repeatedly demonstrated that distance is not necessarily protection. The greater danger may not be a dramatic invasion or a sudden mass movement of fighters.
It could instead be the gradual accumulation of seemingly disconnected developments a new weapons route here, an illicit mining network there, a foreign fighter entering through an informal crossing, a criminal group acquiring military-grade equipment, or displaced communities moving further south.
Individually, each development may appear manageable. Collectively, they could reshape Nigeria’s security environment. Therefore, the strategic objective should be to interdict the crisis upstream rather than fight its consequences downstream. That requires Nigeria to look beyond its immediate borders and treat developments in Sudan, Chad, Niger, Libya and Cameroon as interconnected components of one evolving regional security problem.
The ultimate test will be whether Nigeria can prevent the instability spreading southward while simultaneously strengthening the resilience of its own vulnerable communities.
If it succeeds, Nigeria could remain the buffer that prevents the Sahelian and Central African security crises from reaching the Gulf of Guinea.
If it fails, the country risks becoming not merely the downstream recipient of regional instability, but one of its principal theatres.
Zagazola is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
- Says Nigerians should not allow themselves to be hoodwinked
Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin
The National President of the Oodua Progressive Care Initiative (OPCI),
Alhaji Chief Dr Maruff Olarewaju, has decried recurring engagements of some acclaimed Nigerian men of God in what he described as fake, baseless and politically-motivated prophecies ahead of the 2027 general elections, thereby demeaning and questioning their sacred callings.
In a statement issued on Monday in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, the OPCI President wondered where these acclaimed men of God are getting their revelations from, going by the fake prophesies of majority of them ahead of the 2023 general elections that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu would not win the presidential election, which he eventually won massively.
He said: “One cannot help but wonder where these self-acclaimed prophets get their revelations from. During the build-up to the 2023 General Election, over 90% of them came out at different times claiming that God told them that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu would never win the presidential election. Some of them even went as far as saying that if Asiwaju won, then there is no God. Today, history has spoken — Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“This raises critical questions begging for answers: Why are we in Nigeria mixing religion with politics?
Why have these individuals refused to learn from the past? Are they truly hearing from God at all?
“Now, as we approach another election cycle, they are out again, saying what God did not say and claiming messages God never sent them.”
In view of these ugly experiences, Olarewaju urged the Federal Government to consider placing a ban on election-related prophecies, as it’s done in some other countries, in order to prevent the dragging of religion into the mud and to stop the confusion of innocent citizens in the name of religion, saying freedom of speech, though guaranteed, has its own limitations and must be exercised with responsibility.
He added: “Only God Almighty knows what will happen tomorrow. The confidence of many Nigerians in these fake prophets has been completely eroded. They should look for something more meaningful to do.
“Today, Nigeria is facing serious security challenges. None of these prophets saw it coming. Many churches and mosques have been deserted, many worshippers have been kidnapped or killed — they never prophesied it, their God never revealed it to them. But when it comes to elections, their God suddenly becomes very active.
“Nigerians must be wise and not be deceived again.”
Democracy has been hailed as the best system of governance devised by mankind to date. It is a process driven by periodic elections, as has been the case in Nigeria since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1999. Similar electoral exercises took place during the First Republic (1960–1966) and the Second Republic (1979–1983). It should, however, be emphasised that elections by themselves do not necessarily imply democratic practice.
Democracy and elections are closely related, but they are not synonymous. An election is a mechanism through which citizens exercise their political sovereignty and choose those who govern them. Democracy, however, is the broader system of government founded on popular sovereignty, political equality, participation, accountability, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and the protection of fundamental freedoms.
Without these accompanying elements, a country can hold elections without necessarily being genuinely democratic. Free, fair, credible, and competitive elections are essential to democracy, but they are only one component of it. Democracy must also exist between elections—in the institutions, laws, rights, freedoms, and accountability mechanisms that govern the exercise of political power. Thus, elections are the mechanism through which citizens choose their representatives, but democracy extends far beyond the periodic casting of ballots. Without political freedom, genuine competition, the rule of law, institutional accountability, civil liberties, and respect for the will of the electorate, elections can become little more than a ritual for legitimising authoritarian rule. In short, an election is an instrument of democracy; it is not democracy itself.
There is a strong correlation between a country’s population size, demographic structure, and electoral participation (voter turnout). Under normal circumstances, the larger the population, the larger the number of potential registered voters and, potentially, the higher the absolute turnout. The relationship among these variables—population size, registered voters, and voter turnout—can serve as a barometer of the health of democracy in a given environment. Nigerian electoral trends and history seem to defy this thesis. For some obvious reasons, voter participation in Nigerian elections has been on a dangerous decline since 1999, signifying a steady growth in citizens’ apathy. This development poses serious consequences for democratic growth and governance.
The declining appeal of democracy in Nigeria becomes more apparent when viewed against the falling voter participation rate from one electoral cycle to another. This is even more disturbing in light of the nation’s estimated population of 230 million, which could ordinarily provide a strong foundation for robust political participation and activities.
Unfortunately, this has not been the case. Records of Nigeria’s general elections from 1999 to 2023, in terms of registered voters, voter turnout, and approximate turnout percentages, are as follows:
1999: 57.9 million registered; 52% voted.
2003: 60.8 million registered; 69% voted.
2007: 61.6 million registered; 58% voted.
2011: 73.5 million registered; 54% voted.
2015: 68.8 million registered; 44% voted.
2019: 84.0 million registered; only 35% voted.
2023: 93.5 million registered; only 27% voted.
For the forthcoming 2027 elections, INEC has registered about 103 million eligible voters. It is hoped that the decline in voter turnout from 69% in 2003 to just 27% in 2023 will be stemmed—a task that may not be easy if the gubernatorial elections in states such as Ekiti, Osun, and Kogi are factored in.
During the last gubernatorial election in Ekiti, only 36% of the one million registered voters in the state turned out.
In Osun, about 43% of the 2.3 million registered voters turned out.
In Kogi, only 33% of the 1.6 million registered voters cast their ballots. The three states are among the eight that hold off-cycle elections, during which they enjoyed greater security and logistical support. In addition, the contestants live among the electorate.
Most strikingly, in Lagos, with a staggering seven million registered voters, fewer than 20% turned out to vote in the 2023 general elections. This was despite the fact that a son of the soil, Tinubu, was on the ballot. The dismal participation underscores the depth of voter apathy in Nigeria compared with other democracies in both developed and developing countries, as indicated below:
India: 2024 Lok Sabha election — 65.79%.
Brazil: 2026 general election — 78.92%.
United States: 2024 presidential election — 63.9%.
Kenya: 2022 general election — 64.77%.
The question is: What is wrong with the Nigerian system? Could it be that the population figures are inaccurate? Could it be INEC’s ineptitude? Or is it that Nigerians are no longer in love with democratic governance? The answers could lie in all or a combination of these factors.
There is every likelihood that the 2006 population census, from which the nation’s estimated population of 230 million is projected, remains suspect. This is because Nigerians tend to view population censuses and figures more as instruments of competition for political power and resources than as tools for national planning. Consequently, electoral data derived from such figures may distort the political process.
Violence has also been a major feature of Nigerian politics. According to the General Abdulsalami Abubakar-led National Peace Committee, between 2015 and 2025, about 870 people are believed to have been killed during various electoral episodes. Many more have been wounded or incapacitated in the course of an exercise intended to improve their well-being and guarantee the security of their lives and property.
Compounding the violence is a primitive level of political intolerance. In many states, ruling parties monopolise and abuse the political space, shamelessly denying their opponents the freedom to campaign, put up posters, and access state-owned facilities and media outlets. Such conduct reinforces the belief that society is incapable of practising democracy. What a shameful mentality and display of political backwardness!
Another serious challenge is the perceived electoral manipulation by two major democratic institutions—INEC and the judiciary—which has allowed successive ruling parties and power brokers to frustrate political opponents and parties with impunity. Classic cases include the confusing registration and deregistration of political associations; the factionalisation of some; the upholding and overturning of decisions involving political parties; and the numerous cheap and self-serving exercises (substitutions, sackings, awards, etc.) in the name of judicial prerogative. These developments have contributed to the emergence of the current off-cycle gubernatorial elections in states including Anambra, Bayelsa, Edo, Ekiti, Kogi, Ondo, Osun, and Imo.
The circumstances and judicial verdicts surrounding these developments are varied. While some of the political actors are culpable, some of the decisions lack consistency. At best, they are self-serving. The dizzying judicial abracadabra unfolded as follows:
i) In Imo State, there was the “Fourth to First” verdict. Following the March 2019 election, INEC declared Emeka Ihedioha (PDP) the winner. Hope Uzodinma (APC), who officially finished fourth in the initial tally, challenged the result. On January 14, 2020, the Supreme Court ruled that votes from 388 polling units had been unlawfully excluded from Uzodinma’s score. Once those votes were factored in, Uzodinma’s tally surpassed Ihedioha’s. The Court awarded the seat to Uzodinma.
ii) In Zamfara State, the APC won the 2019 gubernatorial election, and Muktar Idris was set to become governor. However, an internal party faction led by Senator Kabiru Marafa challenged the legality of the party’s primary elections. On May 24, 2019, just days before the inauguration, the Supreme Court ruled that the APC had failed to conduct valid primary elections in Zamfara. Consequently, the court declared all votes cast for the APC invalid and “wasted”. It awarded the seat to Bello Matawalle of the PDP.
iii) Earlier, in 2007, in Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi won the PDP governorship primary, but the party substituted his name with Celestine Omehia. Omehia went on to win the general election. In October 2007, the Supreme Court ruled that Amaechi’s substitution was illegal. Crucially, the court established the legal principle that votes belong to the political party, not the candidate. Since the PDP won the election, Amaechi was declared the rightful governor despite not appearing on the ballot.
Still in Rivers State, in 2019, due to intractable internal leadership disputes and legal battles, the Supreme Court upheld a lower court ruling that barred the Rivers APC from fielding any candidates in the 2019 general elections. This cleared the path for Nyesom Wike (PDP) to secure an easy victory without major opposition.
iv) In the run-up to the 2015 governorship election in Kogi State, the APC candidate, Abubakar Audu, was leading comfortably in the polls but died suddenly before the results were fully collated and declared. Audu’s running mate, James Faleke, argued that he should automatically inherit the ticket and votes. The APC bypassed Faleke and substituted Audu with Yahaya Bello, who had finished second in the primaries. The case went to the Supreme Court, which upheld Bello’s election. Reaffirming the Rivers precedent, the court held that votes are cast for the political party, not the individual candidate, thereby authorising the APC to nominate Bello to conclude the election.
v) The 2019 Bayelsa gubernatorial election produced David Lyon of the APC as the winner. However, the PDP filed a lawsuit alleging that Lyon’s deputy governorship running mate, Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo, had submitted forged certificates and false information regarding his names and credentials to INEC.
On account of this, on February 13, 2020—less than 24 hours before Lyon was scheduled to be sworn in—the Supreme Court nullified the APC ticket. Because a governorship ticket is legally a “joint ticket”, the disqualification of the deputy automatically disqualified the governor-elect. The court awarded victory to the candidate with the next-highest number of valid votes. Consequently, Douye Diri of the PDP was sworn in as governor.
vi) In Osun State, Oyinlola (PDP) was declared the winner and assumed office as governor in 2007. Rauf Aregbesola of the Action Congress (AC) challenged the results, alleging widespread rigging, violence, and non-compliance with the Electoral Act in several local government areas. The court subsequently sacked Oyinlola and awarded the seat to Aregbesola, ordering his immediate swearing-in.
vii) A similar development took place in Ondo State, where Olusegun Agagu (PDP) was declared the winner of the 2007 gubernatorial election. Olusegun Mimiko, contesting under the Labour Party (LP), filed a petition maintaining that he was the rightful winner based on the lawful votes cast. On February 23, 2009, the court agreed with Mimiko and removed Agagu. Mimiko was subsequently sworn in.
viii) Anambra provides a different variation of judicial intervention, focusing on the theft of mandates and the constitutional definition of tenure. Chris Ngige (PDP) was declared the winner in 2003. Peter Obi of APGA challenged the result. After nearly three years of litigation, the Court of Appeal, in March 2006, ruled that Ngige had not won the election and awarded the governorship to Obi.
In 2007, INEC conducted a fresh governorship election while Obi was still serving his term, and Andy Uba (PDP) was declared the winner and sworn in. Obi went to court, and Uba was sacked after just 17 days in office. The court ordered Obi to return and complete his constitutionally mandated term.
The active participants in this electoral mayhem are usually the contestants, INEC functionaries (including ad hoc staff and university dons serving as returning officers), security agents, and, later, the judiciary. Unfortunately, some university dons have actually been convicted of election-related corruption. The ordinary voter should be excused because voters are often used as pawns whose mindsets are shaped by their material conditions—an observation consistent with Karl Marx’s perspective.
The monetisation of politics has also remained a major challenge. It has made entry into politics prohibitive for ordinary people and has also fertilised the growth of the phenomenon of godfatherism. The godfathers usually fund campaign expenses, buy the loyalty of security agents, influence judicial officers, fund thugs, and facilitate the outright purchase of votes at polling stations. Their protégés, in return, are expected to pledge unalloyed loyalty and grant them unfettered access to public resources.
Unfortunately, the strategy often backfires. A few classic godfather-godson crises include Wike/Fubara, El-Rufai/Uba, Kwankwaso/Ganduje, Kwankwaso/Abba, Goje/Dankwambo, Goje/Yahaya, Bafarawa/Wamakko, Aliero/Nasamu, Tinubu/Aregbesola, etc. The phenomenon of godfatherism has not helped the parties involved. If anything, it has only succeeded in weakening democracy in the country.
Perhaps the most disturbing feature of Nigerian democracy is the growing disconnect between elected representatives and the people who elect them. The lifestyles, privileges, and access to public resources enjoyed by many politicians stand in stark contrast to the lives of socioeconomic deprivation experienced by their constituents. Ironically, some of the dramatis personae in the alleged democratic misfortunes of the nation since 1999 are the ones calling the shots today.
The overall effect of electoral rigmarole, violence, corruption, and godfatherism is the development of apathy among the electorate towards the very system intended to serve them. This erosion of interest may not be unconnected with the following feelings and perceptions:
Elections without meaningful choice.
Institutions without genuine independence.
Citizens without confidence or participation.
Political power without sufficient accountability.
Nigeria’s problem is no longer merely flawed elections; it is the slow erosion of democracy itself. Falling voter turnout is a warning that citizens are losing faith in a system where votes are bought, institutions are compromised, mandates are manipulated, and leaders often serve political patrons rather than the people. A democracy that cannot command the confidence of its citizens is already in serious danger.
Democracy rarely dies in a single dramatic event. It dies slowly—when elections become rituals, institutions become instruments of power, citizens become spectators, and accountability becomes an illusion. Nigeria may still hold elections, but the real question is whether it is preserving democracy or merely preserving the appearance of it.
The path forward should begin with education. More appropriate education. Then justice and a genuine war against systemic corruption. Democracy must be rescued
A. G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com
Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin
The people of Oro-Ago Kingdom in the Ifelodun local government area of Kwara State have applauded Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq for the elevation of their monarch, the Oloro of Oro-Ago Kingdom, His Royal Majesty Oba Johnson Olarewaju Dada Adekilutoro 1, to the First Class status.
While also commending the Deputy Governor, Mr Kayode Alabi, who is an indigene of Oro-Ago, the people described the elevation and unparalleled recognition as a major historical milestone for them, adding that both the Governor and his deputy have etched their names in the sand of history.
In a statement issued and jointly signed by the National President and National Secretary of the Oro-Ago Development Union (ODU), Geol. Joseph Ayoku Foluso Olawole, and the National Secretary, Dr. Alfred Olatayo Awoyemi, respectively, the Union was full of praises to Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq for this huge honour accorded the people of Oro-Ago Kingdom through this elevation of their highly revered Monarch.
According to the Union, the elevation is a historic milestone in the history of Oro-Ago Kingdom, noting that the recognition represents an important moment of pride, honour and renewed hope for the traditional institution and the entire Oro-Ago community.
It added: “The elevation is a significant development that will further strengthen the traditional institution, promote cultural heritage and encourage unity, peace and sustainable development across Oro-Ago Kingdom and its neighbouring communities.
“In fact, this elevation and unparalleled recognition of our Monarch, His Royal Majesty, the Oloro of Oro-Ago Kingdom, Oba Evangelist Johnson Olarewaju Dada Adekilutoro 1, reflects the importance of traditional institutions in preserving cultural identity, promoting peaceful coexistence and supporting grassroots development.
“The Union expresses confidence that the elevation would further inspire collective efforts towards the social, economic and infrastructural advancement of Oro-Ago Kingdom.”
The Union specifically lauded their illustrious son, the Deputy Governor of Kwara State, Mr Kayode Alabi, for his commitment to the progress and development of Oro-Ago Kingdom, while acknowledging his goodwill towards the community, especially his support and contributions to matters concerning the dignity, recognition and advancement of Oro-Ago Kingdom.
Describing Alabi’s good relationship with the people as a source of encouragement, the Union reiterated that the development of any community requires constructive engagement, mutual understanding and the support of well-meaning leaders.
The ODU further called on all sons and daughters of Oro-Ago Kingdom, both at home and in the diaspora, to regard the elevation as a collective achievement and an opportunity to strengthen unity, deepen cooperation and pursue a common vision for the development of the kingdom, emphasising that the new status of the traditional ruler should serve as a catalyst for greater community participation, investment, youth empowerment, improved security and the provision of essential social amenities.
ODU also acknowledged the contributions of traditional chiefs, community leaders, religious leaders, elders, youths, women and other stakeholders whose prayers, efforts and commitment have continued to support the growth and development of Oro-Ago Kingdom.
The Union urged all stakeholders to sustain the spirit of cooperation that has accompanied the Monarch’s recognition and work together towards building a peaceful, prosperous and progressive community for present and future generations.
Reaffirming its commitment to the development of Oro-Ago, the Union said the elevation is a historic moment for Oro-Ago Kingdom and congratulated His Royal Majesty, Oba Johnson Olarewaju Dada Adekilutoro I, on his elevation to First-Class status and prayed for divine wisdom, sound health and a successful reign for him.
ODU also prayed for continued peace, progress and prosperity in Kwara State under the leadership of Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, urging the people to continue to support the administration to ensure more dividends of democracy for the citizenry.
The Union expressing optimism that the elevation would open up new opportunities for Oro-Ago Kingdom, strengthen its traditional institution and inspire renewed commitment to community development.
2027: OPCI President Cautions Against Fake Prophesies
THE SLOW DEATH OF DEMOCRACY
ODU Hails Gov AbdulRazaq For Their Monarch’s Elevation To First Class Status
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