Opinion
THE STRUCTURAL AND ETHICAL CRISIS OF NIGERIA’S DEMOCRATIC DISPENSATION AND WHY THE SUFFERINGS MAY CONTINUE

At a time when most Nigerians were busy getting worried over critical issues of insecurity (over 500 souls abducted in Borno, Kaduna and Sokoto during the week) and the government’s planned merger and /or scrapping of some parastatals/departments, curtesy Oronsaye Report 2012, the National Assembly got unethically busy squabbling over “money” and budget padding. The said squabble which started with “point of order”, raised by a member soon snowballed to accusations and counter accusations. The senator accused the ranking members of cornering N500 million each, without extending the same gesture to the rookies. The drama was so intense that mics were muted (mute the mic!) to cut out the viewing public.
A similar drama ensued when another Senator who happened to be the Chair of Northern Senators caucus, accused the leadership of the Assembly of over N3 trillion padding in the 2024 national budget. He so wished to let the nation know about the unwholesome act. This attempt didn’t go well with the Executive and of course the Senate leadership which not only denied the allegations but saw it as an affront slapping the “belligerent” senator with 3-months suspension. The Senator sensed betrayal from some of his co travellers and consequently resigned the Chairmanship of the group honourably.
The said Senator may not get all the facts right but certainly not the principles. The budgets of about ten agencies that include the INEC, NNDC, NEDC, TETFUND, NASS, the Judiciary etc may be on first line charge, according to the Senate Chair on Appropriation, but that doesn’t preclude them from scrutiny. Their combined allocations of over N3 trillion should not come in as an appendage for the sake of transparency. Though it was obvious that some influential individuals may still “follow the money”. The acrimony therefore could just be a prelude to the grand “corruption festival” that may soon commence in those agencies.
Acrimony over personal interests, indeed has largely characterised operations of the Nigerian Legislature since the first Republic. This was regardless of whether the nation was operating the Parliamentary or Presidential system of government. The recent showdown was a case of history repeating itself, which left many Nigerians with a deje’vu feeling. Democracy in action you may say. Wrong! One, the honourable members’ preoccupation with matters of money debases the values of the hallowed chamber as a democratic institution. Two, the legislative business for which they were elected, ultimately is compromised with serious negative consequences on national development and stability.
The question was, why has democracy proven difficult to operate in Nigeria? Better still why do Nigerians find democracy too challenging to practice? The answers lie in the very complex nature of liberal democracy itself, plus the socioeconomic and ethical “conditions” of the people.
Democracy according to Webster, is “a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections.”
A former US president, Abraham Lincoln, simplified the definition by saying democracy is “a government of the people, by the people and for the people”. The principles and variations in the democratic system of government are many with the basic ones being separation of powers, universal suffrage, freedom of expression and justice.
The USA subscribed to the Presidential system as far back as 1789. About 245 years ago. The experiences garnered enabled the US to change from being a British overseas colony to the most powerful country on planet Earth, with a $23 trillion GDP. The success of democracy in the US was largely made possible by the existence of strong institutions like the Judiciary and the Congress. In adopting liberal democracy the US Congress provided a good conceptual guide.
For all its wealth and size, the US Congress is made up of 100 Senators (2 per state) and 435 in the House of Representatives. Members of the two Chambers serve as representatives of about 340 million people from the 50 states and the District of Colombia where Washington, the State capital is located . The Executive Cabinet has 26 members comprising the President, the VP, 15 heads of departments and 10 Cabinet level officers. So portable. Today the USA is the paragon of democracy and democratic governance.
The USA model was what Nigeria adopted having made a failed attempt at the Parliamentary system in the first republic (1960-1966). In copying the American Presidential system of government, Nigeria seems to have made a mess of it through the establishment of a comparatively more cumbersome structures and also failure to properly define and abide by the principles of the separation of powers inherent in the American constitution.
Nigeria may legitimately wish to aspire to the American democratic standards but this ought to be done within the context of its resource base. Nigeria’s GDP of about $440 billion is too low to support the US-type democratic system . Thus a good sense of proportion should have been part of the guiding principles in the adoption and adaption of the American style presidential system of government.
With a population of 200 million and about, $440 billion GDP, by comparative ratios, Nigeria should not have more than 27 states in contrast to the current 37 . The Senators per state should come down to 2 (as against 3). The members in the House of Representatives should be trimmed to 6 per state . This will bring down the total number of legislators in the NASS to 159, comprising 55 senators (2 × 27 states plus 1 for Abua) and 104 (6 × 27 + 2 for Abuja).
The country’s Cabinet should as well be trimmed down by half from the more than 50 members to 25 or thereabout. The US from where Nigeria borrowed the model has only 26 members in the Cabinet. Similar exercise should be visited upon the states and the LGAs..
The wisdom and rational behind this was that, the size of the Nigerian economy in fact represents a fraction of the GDPs of some of the US states of Texas ($2 trillion), California ($3.2 trillion), New York City ($2 trillion), Florida ($1.2 trillion). Nigeria would be in the league of medium size states of Indiana, Maryland, Minnesota and Tennessee, that have about $450 billion economies (Ref; US Bureau of Economic Analysis and Regional Economic Accounts, 2023). Nigeria therefore has no business copying the American model line, hook and sinker. It is too poor to do that.
In the words of S. Lipset, a famous US scholar, “democracy is the direct result of economic growth and that a well-to-do nation has the greater chance that it will sustain democracy”. The Nigerian economy is far from being developed, just as its human capital. The latter, being the enabler of development. Granted there has been improvements in literacy level in Nigeria but content of learning has not been brought to bear on nation’s developmental needs effectively.
The uninformed cannot hold Government accountable and the Government too cannot count on their patriotism. Those educated enough may not rise above the cultures/faith that shaped their worldview. The law makers as part of this educated groups, and whose duty it was, to legislate for good governance have since lost it or jettison this role for hot chase of money, seemingly. In the pursuit of pecuniary interest, they seem to have simply turned the NASS into a “Business Center”. Legislative concepts such as; “oversight function” “constituency project interventions” and “nominee confirmation exercise” have all been turned upside down.
The constituency projects concept copied from the controversial US Congress’ Earmark/Pork Barrell scheme earmarks about 1% of the budget to be expended in Members’ constituencies/districts. It has never been a popular programme and on occasions, stopped even in a saner clime like the USA. Many actually liken it to a slush fund.
The corruption surrounding confirmation hearing for government nominees is an open secret. Ex Governor El Rufai openly accused some of them for asking him to pay bribe in millions during his confirmation hearing to be Minister. An otherwise beautiful legislative concept turned into a tool of extortion/corruption. Many are preoccupied with how to maximise budgetary allocations to the NASS for personal gains while some members go after MDAs to seek for contract so approved using subtle threats.
This is in addition to the insertion of capital projects in the MDAs’ activities to be executed through proxies. A lot of such contracts were paid for, even though never fully executed. Some even constitute themselves into one-man labour exchange market chasing vacancies for loyalists at the expense of more deserving applicants.
The bizarre disposition of some of the Honourable members went full display when government, on account of the astronomically rising cost of living nationwide was forced to come with up palliative measures. The NASS members (most) went for the kill just like Sharks smell blood. They collected money for the exercise and became “traders” and “distributors” of basic needs. They dispersed into the field buying and/or bagging rice, indomie, beans etc. Others became busy buying sewing machines, blenders, generators, Keke NAPEP, motorcycles and taxis as part of their constituency projects. Some, unethically or even criminally rebranding the items to deceive the innocent masses.
Question was, where did they get this model of legislation and development from? When did law making give way to distributing palliative or duplicating Executive functions of policy execution? The major role of the Legislature is to make laws that would forestall economic meltdown and the security of the nation and not to be in the field addressing the symptoms of same. As for the Executive, funding the NASS material cravings makes her complicit. It is an aberration that adds to the huge bills of running liberal democracy in the country.
Already the “big government” (36 States plus the FCT and the 774 LGSs) constitutionally foisted on Nigeria’s $440 billion GDP economy has put a drag on the nation’s development. The Presidential model as so copied and recklessly expanded had made the system top-heavy. So heavy and extremely expensive that Nigeria even under the best of circumstances could ill afford. With an average of 70% of the country’s budget expended on recurrent (overhead) activities and debt servicing, the nation is simply underdeveloping itself. Thirty percent (30%) capital provision cannot successfully drive the economy of over 200 million. The situation becomes worse when the endemic corruption among members of the NASS and the other arms of government are factored into the national resource constraints. Ex President OBJ aptly captured the corruption and corruptive disposition in the NASS as thus ; it is a “den of corruption by a gang of unarmed robbers” and populated by people some of whom should be in jail . Some of the cabals specialise in the fraudulent acts of budget padding, contract chasing, and employment racketeering, among others. OBJ made this public rebuke while addressing the National Assembly in 2017.
The gory picture of the Legislature painted by OBJ has since gone from bad to worse. Some of the culprits through extensive networking with the Executive arm and the private sector have turned corruption into a way of life and making good governance and development near impossible to achieve. It is necessary to take a dispassionate look at the nation’s model of democracy along with its structures and ethical underpinnings to forestall its ultimate collapse. The signs cannot be any clearer.
A. G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com
Opinion
Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

By: Fabian Apechihin
Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.
In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.
“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.
She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.
“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.
Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.
On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.
Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).
However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.
“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”
Let me know if you’d like a more formal or more opinionated version.
Crime
The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

By: Fabian Apechihin
For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.
At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.
While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.
The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.
Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.
Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:
- Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
- Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
- Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
- Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
- Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
- Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.
Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.
According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.
Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.
The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.
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Opinion
The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

By: A G Abubakar
The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!
The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.
Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.
The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.
Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.
Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.
It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.
For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.
Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.
The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.
Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.
Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.
The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.
The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com
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