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The Worsining Condition of Nigerians: Can it Ever Change.

Published

6 months ago

March 30, 2026

By: A G Abubakar

A Nigeria that works for everyone is the dream of every citizen. However, the prospect of achieving such a noble vision has become more illusory by the day, as the material conditions of most Nigerians remain desperate. Change, it is often said, is the only permanent feature of human existence. Yet change, as a concept, is neither inherently good nor bad; it is essentially a neutral phenomenon whose meaning depends on its consequences, and what leadership makes of it.

Change can be social, political, economic, technological, or physical in nature. More importantly, it can be either constructive or destructive, depending on whose interests it advances or whose rights it undermines. In Nigeria – since the collapse of the first Republic – the odds have progressively been stuck against the citizens.

Governance, in its ideal form, exists to guarantee citizens opportunities for self-fulfilment, security, and the pursuit of happiness. The state is meant to create an enabling environment where individuals can pursue livelihoods, develop their talents, and contribute meaningfully to society in a sustainable manner. Scholars such as Charles Tilly and Samuel Huntington have provided lucid definitions of political change in relation to the people. Tilly (1978) sees political change as a people-driven phenomenon—a process in which social movements and collective action shape political outcomes. Huntington, on the other hand, views change largely as a result of institutional shifts (Huntington, 1968). In a country like Nigeria, where institutions have become compromised, the hope for meaningful change in material conditions and security may ultimately rest with the people themselves. They can replace underperforming leaders through the ballot box or the street. In such circumstances, the people themselves become the agents of change.

However, for citizens to effectively play this noble role, certain conditions must exist. Political scientists often argue that meaningful civic participation requires a minimum level of political awareness, education, and economic security. Citizens must be sufficiently enlightened to understand their rights and responsibilities. They must also possess the capacity to make independent political choices free from coercion or desperation, and to ensure that their votes count.

This is where the question of poverty becomes critical. In social science literature, poverty is commonly defined as the condition in which individuals lack the resources necessary to meet basic human needs such as food, clothing, shelter, healthcare, and education. The World Bank describes extreme poverty as living below a minimum income threshold necessary for survival, while sociologists broaden the concept to include relative deprivation—a condition in which individuals lack the resources needed to participate meaningfully in the social and economic life of their society.

Poverty in Nigeria does more than limit material wellbeing; it also constrains agency. Individuals trapped in chronic poverty often prioritise immediate survival over long-term political considerations. Their vulnerability makes them susceptible to manipulation, patronage, and vote-buying. Many become unsure of themselves and begin to perceive their rights as favours rather than entitlements. As a consequence, they are easily mobilised through divide-and-rule tactics. Political choices therefore become transactional—Indomie, rice, cash inducement, and other primordial appeals—rather than ideological. Their immediate concern is survival, often described in local political parlance as “stomach infrastructure.”

In such circumstances, the poor rarely assert themselves as instruments of systemic change. Their energies are largely consumed by the daily struggle to survive. This reality raises a troubling question in the Nigerian context. If a significant proportion of the population is poor—various studies suggest that over 60 percent of Nigerians live in multidimensional poverty (133 million in 2021, 139 million in 2025), according to the World Bank’s October 2025 report—how can meaningful democratic change occur? If the poor lack the capacity to act as effective agents of transformation, where then does the impetus for change originate? Studies in political sociology and revolutionary theory offer an interesting insight: while poverty alone rarely produces organised change, anger often does.

Anger, from a psychological standpoint, is defined as an emotional response to perceived injustice, threat, or violation of rights and expectations. Social psychologists describe anger as a mobilising emotion—one capable of motivating individuals and groups toward action, particularly when they believe established systems have failed them.

In political contexts, anger becomes a powerful force when it combines with awareness, identity, and a sense of injustice. Unlike the chronically poor, who struggle primarily with survival, the angry citizen often possesses a clearer sense of rights and expectations. Anger frequently emerges when individuals or groups believe they are being denied opportunities, dignity, or fairness that they legitimately deserve.

Such individuals are more likely to organise, protest, mobilise politically, or challenge authority. The angry citizen therefore differs from the poor in critical ways. Anger is often accompanied by awareness, a sense of dignity, and a vision worth defending. In this sense, anger can become a catalyst for political transformation. The 1993 NADECO-inspired protests against the annulment of the June 12 elections; the Arab Spring across North Africa and the Middle East (2010–2012); and the #EndSARS 2020 revolts in Nigeria all bore the hallmark of mobilised anger rather than the quiet resignation of the impoverished.

This distinction is important in understanding societies undergoing political strain. Nigeria today presents a peculiar situation where poverty is widespread while anger is steadily rising, alongside a government many perceive as more concerned with retaining power than responding to public sensibilities. Under such conditions, the potential agents of change may not necessarily emerge from the ranks of the poorest citizens but from the expanding Nigerian community of the aggrieved.

These include angry teachers and lecturers whose salaries and working conditions undermine their dignity; unemployed youths whose aspirations are trapped in an economy unable to absorb their talents; industrialists forced out of business by crippling access costs; farmers unable to access inputs or secure their harvests; politicians who believe electoral outcomes are manipulated; and even security personnel whose welfare is diverted into private pockets.

Other aggrieved groups include Berom farmers who cannot till their potato and acha farms, and Tiv yam farmers who are unable to cultivate their lands because of armed herdsmen. Rural dwellers in states such as Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Niger, Kogi, Kwara, Kaduna, and Kebbi often cannot go to their farms due to insecurity and are sometimes forced to pay taxes or levies to bandits and insurgents. The Boko Haram/ISWAP-terrorised communities of Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa are equally angry. These crises have pushed an estimated 3.7 million people into IDP camps, aside from tens of thousands who have lost their lives (IOM, 2025).

The same frustration is felt by the ordinary traderv in the South-East who has been compelled to observe weekly sit-at-home orders enforced by IPOB. Likewise, communities in the oil-polluted environments of the Niger Delta continue to express deep resentment.

Beyond these growing pockets of anger are moral questions surrounding what many perceive as government insensitivity in national appointments. The rehabilitation of former critics—the Daniel Bwalas, Femi Fani-Kayodes, Reno Omokris, and others—and rewarding them with “plump” appointments sends a troubling signal that “verbal terrorism” pays. Such patronage ultimately erodes public trust in governance. There is nothing wrong in rehabilitating “repentant” foes in politics, but that should not qualify them for undue patronage.

It is okay to appreciate some of the related political wisdom out there, but with a caveat. One says, “you should keep your friends close, but your enemies closer.” Another maintains that “it is better to keep the enemy inside for him to direct his urination outside than to keep him outside for him to urinate inside.” Both adages are meant to facilitate closer monitoring and do not suggest that they should be given either access to the family wardrobe or the key to its safe.

The same concern arises in the case of individuals who are yet to clear serious allegations in court. The retention of the former governor of Zamfara State, now Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, is one example. More recently, the nomination of Hon. Jimoh Ibrahim as Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the UN in New York has also generated controversy. Ibrahim has for years faced allegations involving corruption and commercial disputes, including unresolved claims reportedly running into tens of billions of naira involving AMCON. Some say to the tune of N69.4 billion!

Added to the growing pattern of perceived nepotistic federal appointments, such developments help explain why many citizens question the sincerity of the government’s reform agenda and its campaign against insecurity. The perception of ethnic bias in appointments continues to deepen public distrust. Even among many fair-minded South-Westerners, discomfort is growing over the extent to which the Presidency appears willing to pursue what critics describe as an ethnic agenda. Some argue that if earlier governments were criticised for similar tendencies, this administration had an opportunity to demonstrate a higher standard of national leadership.

Nigeria today is gradually producing a formidable population of angry citizens. They may not yet rival the size of the poor, but their numbers are growing steadily. History shows that when anger accumulates in societies without credible institutional outlets for redress, it often manifests in destabilising ways. Some citizens can bottle up their anger for a long while before venting them out. Others, however, resort to more dangerous paths. For those overwhelmed by frustration, criminality sometimes becomes both a form of protest and a desperate means of survival; a trend that could lead to a “state failure.”

Political scientists describe a “failing state” as a country whose government has lost the capacity or struggles to maintain security, enforce laws, provide basic services, control corruption, and command the confidence of their citizens. When these conditions persist, the state gradually loses its monopoly on authority, and non-state actors—criminal gangs, militias, insurgents—begin to fill the vacuum.

Today, none of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones is entirely free of security flashpoints. Only a handful of the thirty-six states can confidently claim relative safety. The implication is clear: the state’s capacity to guarantee security and justice is being severely tested. This is precisely how states drift toward fragility.

Nigeria still has a window of opportunity to reverse course by restoring the rule of law, rebuilding public institutions, and expanding economic opportunity for all to calm the rising tide of frustration.

But that window will not remain open indefinitely. If those entrusted with power fail to act decisively, the growing nation of angry citizens may eventually impose change in ways that no one can predict or control. And when change comes in that manner, history shows that it rarely asks for permission. As for the poor, the hungry, and the angry in Nigeria, the task is to keep believing that “people’s power” resides within them—and that they can harness this collective strength to hold leaders at all levels accountable. Enough of endless lamentation; it is time to demand good governance.
A.G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

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Gov AbdulRazaq Lauded Over Conferment Of Sadauna Of Ilorin Title

Published

9 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq has been hailed for the conferment of the prestigious Sadauna of Ilorin Emirate title on him by His Royal Highness, the Emir of Ilorin, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR.

Giving the commendation on Tuesday in a statement in Ilorin, the state capital, Alhaji Yakubu Garba Gobir, who is the Sarkin Gobir and Madawaki of the Ilorin Emirate, described the recognition and honour on Governor AbdulRazaq as well deserved, timely and apt, giving his huge contributions to the growth and development of Ilorin Emirate and Kwara State as a whole.

Gobir specifically commended the Emir of Ilorin for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna, noting that it is a solemn call for greater responsibility, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people.

He added: “The title of Sardauna occupies a position of profound significance in the history, heritage and traditions of the Ilorin Emirate. I commend His Royal Highness, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR, the Emir of Ilorin, for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna.

“The title embodies courage, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people. Your elevation is therefore not merely a mark of honour; it is also a solemn call to greater responsibility and continued service.

“As a fellow title-holder in the Ilorin Emirate, I am particularly delighted to welcome you into this distinguished circle of traditional leadership. I am confident that you will bring to the office the same qualities of leadership, dignity and unwavering commitment to public service that have distinguished your tenure and career.

“At a time when our Emirate and our State require men and women of character, wisdom and courage to advance the interests of our people, I am certain that you will make a meaningful contribution to the enduring unity, progress and development of the Ilorin Emirate.”

Gobir offered prayers for a successful, impactful and enduring tenure for the new Sadauna, adding:
“May Almighty Allah grant you wisdom, sound health and strength, and may He make your tenure as Sardauna of Ilorin a source of lasting honour to you, your family and the entire Ilorin Emirate.”

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FG Commissions KWASU ICT Centre To Enhance Graduates Employability

Published

9 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin.

The wife of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, has commissioned a TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative-backed ICT Experience Centre at the Kwara State University (KWASU), Malete.

It would be recalled that KWASU is one of the six tertiary institutions selected for the pilot phase of this intervention, with one institution representing each of the Nigerian six geopolitical zones.

Represented at the commissioning on Tuesday by the wife of the Vice-President, Nana Shettima, Tinubu said the project is a testament to the federal government’s commitment to advancing education, digital inclusion and enhancing graduate employability.

“The TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative ICT Experience Centre we are commissioning today represents opportunity, innovation, knowledge, and the future of young people in Kwara State and beyond.

She said: “This initiative aligns with the Renewed Hope Agenda of the administration of His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, which places emphasis on youth empowerment, education, innovation, and economic transformation. Mr President is committed to creating opportunities that will equip Nigerian youths with knowledge and skills required to thrive in a modern and competitive world.”

Senator Tinubu said the facility was designed as a modern technology centre equipped with ICT laboratory, interactive digital display, conference facility, and exhibition spaces, adding that it would be an environment for learning, creativity, research, and technology advancement.

According to her, the ICT centres had been commissioned at the Ekiti State University on May 28, University of Cross Rivers State on September 4, Anambra State Polytechnic on September 10, adding that the Centres at Kaduna State University and Taraba State Universities would be commissioned soon.

“The next phase of this intervention will cover 15 institutions in Adamawa, Bayelsa, Borno, Delta, Edo, Enugu, Imo, Katsina, Nasarawa, Niger, Ondo, Osun, Rivers, Yobe, and Zamfara states which construction is currently ongoing. This expansion demonstrates the administration’s commitment to ensuring that more Nigerian youths, irrespective of their locations, have access to digital learning opportunities,” she said.

She encouraged the students to take ownership of the facility, maximise the opportunity it provides, and use technology positively to enhance their lives, community, and the nation.

In his speech, the Executive Secretary of Tetfund, Architect Sonny Echono, said the centres are being established across selected Universities, Polytechnics and Colleges of Education, with the Kwara State University, Malete proudly hosting the facility in the North-Central Zone.

“Through practical training and digital skills acquisition, TETFund seeks to enhance graduate employability, foster innovation and position Nigeria to participate more effectively in the global
technology-driven economy,” he added.

Echono also said that the ICT Experience Centre is designed to equip students and lecturers with critical digital skills in Artificial Intelligence, Cybersecurity, Robotics and Software Development.

He added: “The Centre being commissioned today is one of the foremost ICT Experience Centres being delivered across the country, and the third to be commissioned this year. The Centre is equipped with modern digital devices, Computer systems and relevant software to facilitate training, practical learning and skills development. The facility is appropriately furnished and
fully air-conditioned, with supporting power and municipal infrastructure.”

Also speaking, the Vice Chancellor of the University, Professor Shaykh- Luqman Jimoh, said the new facility represents vision, belief, and an investment in the Nigerian youth to better shape the future of our
nation.

The Vice Chancellor described the ICT Experience Centre as an investment in human capital, in innovation, in entrepreneurship, and, most importantly, it is an investment in the future of Nigeria.

“This Centre will provide opportunities for our students to develop practical digital skills and engage with contemporary technologies. Importantly, it is our hub for interdisciplinary engagement.

“This ICT Experience Centre is therefore a timely, critical, and strategic infrastructure that will definitely enhance research, teaching, learning, entrepreneurship, and community service. This intervention is at the core of what this university seeks from partners and donors: synergies that add value and impact on today and the future,” he started.

KWASU Vice Chancellor also assured that the ICT Experience Centre would be put to maximum use for the benefit of students, researchers, and the University
community, adding that the “KWASU community would engage with the facilities in this Centre, we will use it. We will explore, experiment, learn, and innovate in i

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2027: Violent ;Kaduna as ADC, APC Supporters Trade Accusations….APC Calls For Police Investigation into the Vandalisation, attacks on its Office

Published

9 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

By Hassan Agboola

Tension is mounting in Kaduna State ahead of the 2027 general elections, following renewed exchanges between supporters of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and groups backing the administration of Governor Uba Sani.
The latest development came on Tuesday when ADC governorship candidate, Isa Ashiru, addressed supporters in Kaduna and, according to an account of his remarks, declared that the party was prepared to respond to attacks against its members.
Ashiru was also quoted as saying that it was Governor Uba Sani, rather than President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was responsible for the continued detention of former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai.

However, available public records show that El-Rufai’s detention followed proceedings before the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), with the commission stating that his continued custody was based on a court-issued remand order.

The controversy over El-Rufai’s detention has nevertheless become a major political issue in Kaduna and beyond. The ADC has repeatedly criticised the handling of the former governor’s case and alleged political persecution, while other political actors have made different claims about the circumstances surrounding his detention.
Rising political temperature

Ashiru’s emergence as the ADC governorship candidate has added another dimension to the political contest in Kaduna. He defeated other aspirants at the party’s governorship primary in May 2026 and is now preparing for another governorship contest after previously representing the PDP in the 2019 and 2023 elections.
The political atmosphere has been further complicated by disagreements within the ADC and accusations from different groups over the party’s leadership and candidates.

A Southern Kaduna political group, for instance, recently questioned Ashiru’s candidacy and the choice of his running mate, allegations rejected by an ADC official.
The situation has also produced incidents involving ADC supporters and security personnel. In one recent incident, police dispersed an ADC solidarity walk in Kaduna, while the party subsequently accused opponents of attacking its members and warned that political violence could escalate ahead of the 2027 elections.

The former governor remains an important factor in the emerging political contest. El-Rufai was taken into custody in February 2026 after responding to an invitation from the ICPC. His family subsequently demanded his release, while the anti-graft agency maintained that his detention was authorised by a court.
Since then, the issue has increasingly featured in political statements by the ADC and its supporters, with the party accusing the Federal Government of political persecution and calling for the former governor’s release.
The development has created a new political fault line involving the ADC, the APC-led Kaduna State Government and supporters of the former governor.

While allegations have been exchanged over who is responsible for political violence in Kaduna, the competing narratives should not be confused with established findings. The ADC itself has recently rejected the suggestion that it has a monopoly on political violence and accused unnamed opponents of introducing thuggery into the 2027 political process.

With the 2027 election campaign yet to fully commence, the increasingly combative language from ISA Ashiru and his supporters has raised concerns about the possibility of further confrontation.
The immediate challenge before the political parties, security agencies and community leaders is therefore to ensure that political disagreements do not degenerate into violence, particularly in a state with Kaduna’s history of politically and communally sensitive conflicts.
As at the time of filling tid report the All progressive congress, APC , Kaduna state in a statement has condemned the attacks on its office and called for police investigation
Certainly. I’ll retain the substance of the report while correcting grammar, tightening the structure, and presenting it as a clean newspaper hard-news story.
Writing
APC Condemns Violent Attacks on Members, Party Offices in Kaduna
The Kaduna State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has condemned alleged violent attacks on its members and the vandalisation of party offices and properties in the state.
The party also called on the police and other security agencies to investigate the incidents and ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.
In a statement, the Kaduna State APC Publicity Secretary, Sani Dan-Azare, alleged that some of the party’s members and supporters had been attacked, while some party and support-group offices were vandalised.
He also alleged that vehicles belonging to some party members were damaged during the incidents.
The APC described the attacks as unacceptable and urged security agencies to conduct a thorough and impartial investigation to establish the circumstances surrounding the incidents.
The party called on its members and supporters to remain calm and law-abiding, stressing that they should not resort to retaliation or take the law into their own hands.
The APC said it remained committed to peaceful political engagement and urged all political actors in Kaduna State to conduct their activities within the bounds of the law.
It further appealed to security agencies to strengthen security around party offices and other sensitive locations to prevent further incidents.