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World must remain highly vigilant against Japan’s renewed nuclear ambitions

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By Yin Xiaoliang

Since the end of World War II, Japan has habitually portrayed itself as a “victim of nuclear weapons,” while rarely engaging in serious reflection on the fact that it was once an attempted “nuclear perpetrator” during the war.
During World War II, in pursuit of its expansionist ambition to “project national might far and wide,” Japan competed fiercely with the United States and Britain in the race to develop atomic weapons, hoping to secure victory in its war of aggression through such means. The Japanese army and navy each conducted separate atomic bomb research programs, both of which ultimately failed before the end of the war.
In November 1945, the U.S. military dismantled Japan’s nuclear research infrastructure, notably disposing of a critical cyclotron in Tokyo Bay. This action prevented what could have been catastrophic global consequences had Japan’s militarist regime acquired nuclear arms earlier.
Japan’s pursuit of nuclear armament did not vanish with its wartime defeat; rather, like a dormant seed, it has been quietly embedded in the consciousness of right-wing elements in Japan.
Recently, senior Japanese officials have hinted at possibly revising the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles,” claimed they do not rule out introducing nuclear-powered submarines, and even argued that Japan should possess nuclear weapons.
These remarks are not isolated political rhetoric but sensitive indicators of Japan’s accelerating shift in security strategy. They clearly reveal that the “nuclear option,” long treated as a taboo in Japan’s postwar political discourse, is now being pushed into open political debate while continuously testing and eroding established boundaries. The international community should see through the profound strategic intentions behind Japan’s shift in nuclear weapons policy.
Japan is breaching the postwar framework in pursuit of becoming a “military power.” Over the years, Japan’s right-wing forces have persistently sought to cast off constraints and expand military capabilities. Nuclear policy discussions aim to weaken postwar system restraints and accumulate political capital for revising the “pacifist constitution.”
Japan is probing the boundaries of policy by gauging public reactions. By making audacious assertions such as “Japan should possess nuclear weapons” and engaging in exploratory discourse, Japanese politicians aim to evaluate the real-world resistance and room for maneuver regarding nuclear armament based on domestic and international public opinion, thereby preparing the public opinion groundwork for subsequent policy adjustments.
Japan aims to bolster its independent deterrent capabilities and reshape the division of roles within the Japan-U.S. alliance. Never fully trusting in its ally across the Pacific, Japan regards “independent nuclear armament” as a potential means to reduce its reliance on the alliance while enhancing its own deterrent strength.
Furthermore, Japan’s right-wing forces are eager to expand their involvement in nuclear-related discussions within the alliance, gradually increasing their bargaining power within the framework of allied nuclear deterrence.
Japan is building offensive capabilities to exert strategic pressure on neighboring countries. By strengthening military deterrence in the Taiwan Strait, East China Sea, and surrounding areas, Japan seeks to influence the strategic judgments and room for maneuver of neighboring countries, thereby positioning itself more favorably in the regional balance of power.
Japan’s “Three Non-Nuclear Principles,” established as a national policy after World War II, represent both a product of Japan’s reflection on its wartime aggression and a solemn commitment to peace upon its return to the international community.
Rooted in the tragic memories of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and shaped under the unique circumstances of Cold War confrontation, these principles were intended to serve as Japan’s self-imposed restraint against militarism and a security assurance to its Asia-Pacific neighbors.
Any attempt by Japan to revise the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles” would not only shake the very foundation of its own nuclear policy but also pose a direct challenge to the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Such a move would seriously destabilize world peace and significantly increase the risk of nuclear proliferation.
As stated in an ancient Chinese text, “If later generations lament without learning from the past, they will in turn be lamented by those who come after.”
Safeguarding the seriousness and integrity of the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles” is a responsibility Japan must bear to history, to the region, and to future generations. Japan should draw lessons from its own experience of atomic bombings and conduct a thorough reflection on the profound suffering inflicted by Japanese militarism on the peoples of Asia, rather than playing the “victim card” to revive its old dream of nuclear armament.
Peace and prosperity in East Asia must be nurtured and safeguarded jointly by all countries in the region. Any attempt by Japan to approach or cross the “nuclear red line” constitutes a serious threat to the well-being of people across East Asia. The international community must remain vigilant against any move by Japan toward rearmament with nuclear weapons and work together to curb the spread of “neo-militarism.”
(Yin Xiaoliang is a professor at the Research Center for the History of Modern World and the Japan Institute at Nankai University.)

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Sanxingdui Museum transforms ancient relics into interactive experiences

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By Song Haoxin, People’s Daily

What if museum visitors could truly interact with cultural relics rather than merely observe them through glass displays? At the Sanxingdui Museum in southwest China’s Sichuan province, a specially designed interactive hall is revolutionizing cultural engagement.

Within this 1,300-square-meter space, nearly every exhibit invites touch, operation, or participation. Visitors immerse themselves in installations inspired by the ancient Shu civilization, blending education with entertainment.

By trying on replicas of headwear on bronze statues discovered in Sanxingdui Ruins, for example, visitors can not only take photos of themselves but also learn about the symbolic meanings behind different headpieces. 

Guests can don replicas of bronze statue headwear from the Sanxingdui Ruins, learning their symbolic meanings while capturing photos. Augmented reality allows dancing alongside virtual Sanxingdui figures for social media sharing. A creation zone even enables “time travel” to experience ancient bronze-casting and construction techniques.

These innovations transform traditional museum visits, offering deeper cultural understanding through hands-on interaction. “This hall emerged from extensive brainstorming,” explained Zhu Yarong, deputy director of the management committee of the Sanxingdui Ruins site. 

“We’re transitioning from passive relic viewing to interactive engagement, bridging the gap between audiences and history.”

Previously, museum experiences were largely one-directional with limited engagement. Visitors viewed relics through display cases, usually stopping mainly to take photographs, with relatively limited forms of engagement. By liberating artifacts from display cases into interactive settings, Sanxingdui is pioneering a shift from didactic presentation to open cultural dialogue.

Traditional exhibition spaces remain popular, while digital innovations attract growing interest. A VR project employs digital twin technology to recreate 1:1 scale excavation sites — complete with protective shelters and cabins — placing visitors at the archaeological forefront.

Another project, Heaven and Earth Echoes — Sanxingdui Panoramic Sound and Vision Digital Art Theater, features an interactive panoramic LED dome with a diameter of 20 meters and a resolution approaching 16K. The massive dome creates a deeply immersive atmosphere. By waving digital torches in their hands, visitors can trigger sacred birds to circle above them across the dome, experiencing the ancient Shu civilization through an interplay of sound and imagery.

“The digital technology made me feel as if I were racing across the Mamu River. That sense of traveling through time was incredible,” said Hao Yong, a tourist from southwest China’s Chongqing municipality who came specifically to experience a virtual reality program.

From passive observation to active participation, Sanxingdui Museum continues introducing new interactive experiences that transform cultural relics into living carriers of dialogue and engagement, helping keep the sparks of Chinese civilization alive for new generations.

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A living testimony about MKA: The Aondoakaa that I know Written By Brahms Tor-Ikuan

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My people of Benue State,

I am not speaking to you today as a politician. I am speaking as a brother whose family was held up by Chief Mike Kaase Aondoakaa, MKA, when we had no one else to hold onto.

My elder brother, Verem Ukaa-Ikuan, was not just my blood. He was a very dear and close friend to Chief MKA. When my brother fell ill and was diagnosed with liver damage caused by poisoning, MKA didn’t treat it as someone else’s problem. He took it on as his own.

He worked closely with Verem during his time as Attorney General of the Federation, and when the sickness came, he moved immediately. Searches were conducted, and Apollo Hospital in India was earmarked for a liver transplant. Every travel arrangement was made personally by Chief MKA.

But we hit a wall. Verem was too weak to fly a long commercial flight. Only an air ambulance could get him to India alive. At that time, there was only one functional air ambulance in the entire country, owned by Julius Berger. It was completely out of reach for even the most high-profile citizens.

Chief MKA went all out. He did not give excuses. He did not delay. He used every connection and every ounce of influence he had to secure that air ambulance for my brother.

On the day it was secured, Barr. Terna Yaji, his Senior Special Assistant, called me a few minutes after 6pm. He told us to prepare Verem for departure and take him to Makurdi airport very early the following morning. I informed him, my brother passed on at exactly 6 o’clock a few minutes ago. I told Barr. Terna Yaji, and I saw a devastated MKA.

During the burial, Chief MKA was out of the country on national assignment. He was pained that he could not be there physically. His entire team, led by the late Onov Tyuulugh, represented him fully. And his message to us at the burial has never left me:

“If death were law, as the Attorney General, a law would have been made no matter what to ensure Verem will just not die but live forever.”

That is who Mike Kaase Aondoakaa is when nobody is watching. He does not abandon his people. He does not forget. He stood with our family then, and he has stood with us till date.

Now he is asking for the chance to govern Benue State.

Benue needs a governor with a heart like that. A governor who fights for you even when there’s no political gain. A governor who sees you as family, not as a vote.

I am standing with Chief Mike Kaase Aondoakaa for Governor of Benue State.
For compassion that moves to action.
For loyalty that does not fade.
For leadership that proves itself in the darkest hour.

Join me. Let us give Benue a leader who has already shown what he will do for us.

God bless Chief Mike Kaase Aondoakaa.
God bless Benue State.

Brahms Tor-Ikuan, a beneficiary of MKA’s benevolence writes from Makurdi

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China-U.S. relations cannot return to past, but can move toward better future

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By Guo Jiping

At the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping, U.S. President Donald Trump will pay a state visit to China from May 13 to 15.

After many twists and turns, China-U.S. relations have arrived at a new historical juncture. The year 2026 carries special significance for both countries. China is embarking on its 15th Five-Year Plan period (2026-2030), while the United States celebrates its 250th anniversary. 

Amidst increasing global uncertainty and volatility, the international community looks to Beijing, hopeful that this high-level engagement will offer clarity and stability for the future trajectory of China-U.S. relations.

Observers note that over the past decade, the relationship has weathered two significant periods of strain. The first began in 2018 with the U.S. initiation of trade tariffs against China. Stabilization was achieved only after extensive dialogue and complex interactions spanning several years. The second period of tension occurred more recently in 2025. Remarkably, the cycle from rising friction to renewed stability unfolded within just a few months this time.

The progression from years-long to months-long stabilization cycles, and from repetitive friction-dialogue patterns towards clearer strategic direction and consensus-building, reflects China’s consistent approach: readiness to negotiate combined with firm adherence to principles and clear boundaries. China’s demonstrated resilience has garnered international respect and created conditions conducive to resolving differences through dialogue.

Today, China-U.S. dialogue occurs on a more equitable basis. Communication is increasingly pragmatic, with clearer articulation of respective bottom lines. This resilience suggests the potential for a new, more stable chapter in the relationship.

Head-of-state diplomacy plays an irreplaceable strategic guiding role. Last year, when a wave of tariff tensions rattled the world, the two presidents steered China-U.S. economic and trade ties back on course. 

Under the guidance of the consensus reached by the two presidents, the teams from both sides have so far held six rounds of consultations and are currently engaged in a new round of talks. 

Since the meeting between the two heads of state in Busan last October, China-U.S. relations have generally maintained a stable and improving momentum — a trend widely welcomed by both peoples and the international community.

The strategic guidance provided by the two heads of state helps identify “dangerous reefs” ahead in China-U.S. relations. The Taiwan question is the most important and most sensitive issue at the very core of China-U.S. relations, and it concerns the political foundation of bilateral ties. 

Xi has repeatedly elaborated China’s principled position on the Taiwan question to Trump, emphasizing that Taiwan is China’s territory, and China must safeguard its own sovereignty and territorial integrity, and will never allow Taiwan to be separated. Clearly defining principles and bottom lines is precisely the responsible approach needed to prevent serious risks in China-U.S. relations.

The aspiration of the Chinese and American business communities to deepen ties and cooperation has never changed. At present, more than 7,000 Chinese-funded enterprises operate in the United States, while about 80,000 American-invested enterprises are active in China. 

These firm choices made at the forefront of the market clearly and powerfully demonstrate the true nature of China-U.S. economic and trade relations: mutual benefit and win-win cooperation. 

As China enters the 15th Five-Year Plan period, its commitment to high-quality development and high-standard opening up will create broader incremental space for China-U.S. cooperation.

The will of the people stands as a profound and enduring force shaping the trajectory of China-U.S. relations. Whether at those pivotal moments when China and the United States seized every moment to break the ice, or when bilateral relations slid to a low ebb, the sincere aspiration of the two peoples for mutual understanding and friendship has never changed.

As exchanges deepen and produce tangible results, perceptions are improving positively. More Americans are actively participating in fostering people-to-people friendship, contributing greater rationality and constructive perspectives to the relationship.

In the face of profound changes unseen in a century, China and the United States, as permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and the world’s two largest economies, shoulder even greater responsibilities. Promoting global development, safeguarding peace and security, and improving global governance all require cooperation between the two countries. 

This year, China will host the APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting and the U.S. will host the G20 Summit. Whether the two sides can demonstrate the vision and responsibility expected of major countries, and deliver more tangible benefits to the world, bears directly on the well-being of both peoples and the future of humanity.

China-U.S. relations cannot return to the past, but they can move toward a better future. Both sides should proceed from a sense of responsibility to history, to the people, and to the world, and explore ways to build a strategic, constructive, and stable China-U.S. relationship featuring mutual respect, peaceful coexistence, and win-win cooperation.

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