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2019 : Buhari testing the microphone in Kano

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By Ibrahim Ibrahim

Kano, the political headquarters of Northern Nigeria was agog yesterday in a fanfare atmosphere. The occasion? Over 5,000 members of the Kwankwasiyya movement decamped from the PDP to join the APC. This is just another in a series of defection we have witnessed in the Country since the beginning of this year.

It amazes me when I hear people say Buhari and some other people will share Kano votes. I laugh at the level of ignorance in such statement. Buhari is now practically an institution in Kano politics.

Since Buhari joined politics early in the new millennium and contested the presidential elections in 2003, it had become evident to all that the political landscape in the north had changed by his coming and nowhere else was this change expressed more evidently than in Kano State.

In the 2003 elections notwithstanding allegations of widespread rigging by the then ruling party PDP, General Buhari got over 1.6m votes whilst the PDP candidate then President Obasanjo scored 492,755 votes. Obasanjo polled just about 22.7% of total votes cast there by denying him the required 25% as part of requirements for winning the election.

That same election saw Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the incumbent Governor losing to Shekarau of the ANPP. The loss of the incumbent was due largely to Gen Buhari’s membership of the ANPP and his attendant influence on Kano politics.

Fast forward to 2007 when Buhari contested against Yaradua, Buhari went ahead again to win Kano by a large margin thereby denying Yaradua the required 25% of votes cast in Kano.

In 2011 the story was not any different, this time around the incumbent Governor Ibrahim Shekarau had fallen out with Buhari over the issues of participating in the government of National unity, an idea Buhari rejected as immoral and untenable especially when he was still challenging the same government in court over the conduct of the elections. This led to Buhari leaving the ANPP and forming another party- CPC where he contested the 2011 elections.

Despite the CPC being a new party formed less than 18 months to the general elections, Buhari got over 1.6m votes again. The closest person to him in Kano State election results was Ibrahim Shekarau , the incumbent governor and presidential candidate of the ANPP and he was only able to score 526,310 votes. The PDP where Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso contested on its platform for governor was able to score only 440,666. The sum of the total votes of Shekarau and The PDP Kwankwaso’s party then was not anywhere close to what Buhari alone got in Kano under a newly formed party with little or no political structure on ground.

It was a total trumping in 2015 as Buhari/APC got over 1.9m votes in Kano as against just about 215,000 votes gathered by his closest rival- the then incumbent President and presidential flag bearer of the PDP.

Buhari is a phenomenon in Kano, succinctly put Buhari is Kano and Kano is Buhari. The enthusiasm of mammoth crowd at the defection event yesterday says it all, the support base for President Buhari in Kano is massive and intimidating.

Even though president Buhari was not at the event, his name alone was enough to draw such crowd of supporters, sympathizers and hailers. All came out en masse to show their support for PMB. Many even boasting that this time around they will be delivering 5 million votes to the president. It is uncertain if INEC processes and logistics may be able to accommodate that, but don’t be surprised if they double their 2015 vote. There are no word adequate to describe the support for Buhari in Kano.

In the APC primaries held in Kano state, President Buhari got over 2.9 million votes, this is from just his party members only. Expect much more at the general elections from Kano this time around. Many of the beneficiaries of the conditional cash transfer program are from Kano, plus many other social intervention programs of this government are from Kano. This group of beneficiaries and their dependents are in their millions. They will most likely vote for Buhari including the many supporters of President Buhari that are not even members of the APC.

Whatever crowd you saw yesterday is a shadow of things to come. Whenever Buhari decides to visit Kano himself it will be a total shut down. When the campaign proper starts and every party is given the opportunity to say what they have done for the people of Kano that is when you will see how massive the support base for President Buhari is in Kano. The current Kano state Governor stated a while ago and I quote “We have told Buhari not to lift his hand when he comes to Kano, he should just walk shoulder down. If he lifts his hand up, we will lose control of the crowd”

In the 2019 general elections the good thing is that the two leading parties have ruled Nigeria ta some point. So everyone will be running on their record. Those who spent 16 years looting the common wealth of the people will get the opportunity to come out and tell the people of Kano how they bettered their lives in the sixteen years they ruled and the APC too will get the opportunity to state what it had done in the last three and a half years to better the lot of Nigerians and indeed Kano people.

Buhari’s base of supporters is really with the masses . He is endeared by this group. There is no other politician in the north or anywhere else in Nigeria that has this type of followership. The epicenter of this followership emanates from Kano. Please find out if you doubt my assertion.

Three states in the North west region of Nigeria have a combined registered voters number of over 11.5 million, just three states! Katsina , Kano and Kaduna. President Buhari outside of government traditionally wins these three states with a landslide now that he is contesting as the incumbent, are you thinking what I am thinking? I will rest my pen here. I wish his challengers good luck and a happy contest.

Ibrahim is a public affairs commentator based in Kano.

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DATA BASE HACK: Anger, Panic As Investigators Close In on Culprits.

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☆☆☆ Insider access, weak audit trails fingered as sources of breach. ☆☆☆Public demands transparency.
By: Our Special Correspondent.

For millions of Nigerians, the voter register is the one line that stands between them and their right to vote, but that line seems to have been crossed.

Multiple sources within and outside the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, have confirmed to this newspaper that the Commission’s central database – housing voter biometrics, polling unit data, and CVR records was compromised in a breach that is now the subject of a joint probe by the EFCC, ICPC, and DSS.

The development has triggered anger and anxiety across the country, with civil society groups, political parties, and ordinary voters asking one question: If INEC’s data isn’t safe, is our democracy?
Cybersecurity experts and INEC insiders who spoke on conditions of anonymity told This Newspaper that the breach likely followed a mix of insider access and technical lapses.

Our findings reveal that, key scenarios under investigation include: *Privileged user abuse by data administrators and ICT officers who had the previledged access and rights to Automated Voter Registration System, AVRS, backend without proper authorization tickets.
Another possibility is that, phishing attacks or shared passwords may have exposed logins to the CVR online portal and IReV upload system.
Preliminary findings suggest changes to voter records were not fully tracked with user ID, IP address, and timestamp, making it hard to immediately pinpoint culprits.
A senior investigation officer told our correspondent that, it might have bern a case of backup vulnerabilities, in which, unencrypted backup drives containing voter data from 2023-2025 CVR exercises are also being traced.
“The voter register is INEC’s crown jewel,” said a cybersecurity analyst familiar with the probe, and rhat, once insiders or attackers get admintrative access, they can add, delete, or move voters between polling units.
In this situation, the damage may be silent until election day.

For now, INEC has not confirmed the full scope of the investigation, but has admitted that, it is working with security agencies to establish the facts, behind the hack, with, spokesman of the FCT Minister, Lere Olayinka, being the focal ppint of investigation.
On the streets and online, the mood is tense, with Nigerians pouring out their anger abd fears, that, names might disappear from the register or their votes may be manipulated.
The Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room called “a direct threat to electoral integrity” and demanded INEC to publish a forensic audit within 14 days.
The dominant sentiment, has been that of distrust, as many voters fear their names, NIN, phone numbers, and biometrics may be sold or manipulated ahead of the 2027 elections.

Political parties remain polarized, with the ruling party officials insisting INEC must be allowed to investigate, even as opposition parties allege the breach was del8berate and not accidental.
Sources at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja confirmed a special task force has been constituted, with the DSS handling the national security implications, and the ICPC probing possible financial inducements.
So far, our correspondent gathered that, Servers, BVAS backend logs, and backup drives have been forensically imaged, several INEC ICT staff and two vendors with adminstrative access have been sent on administrative leave.
This action according to the electoral body, is without prejudice, to the eventual outcome of investigations.
INEC has formally notified the Nigeria Data Protection Bureau under the Data Protection Act 2023, as required for data breaches, while a Tier-1 cybersecurity firm approved by NITDA is conducting an independent audit of the database integrity.

An EFCC source told this us that, the antigraft agency is tracing audit logs, IP addresses, and financial flows to accertain, Who may have made the change, and or authorized it, to be identified.

*Research findings reveal that, under the Electoral Act, Section 119, which covers illegal registration/alteration of voter records attracts two years imprisonment or a ₦500,000 fine.
Section 127 stipulates that, tampering with election materials/data transmitted via IReV/BVAS could attract three years imprisonment.

Further findings reveal that, under the Cybercrimes Act 2015, in section 8, unauthorized alteration/deletion of data could l3ad up to five years with ₦10m additional fine.
In section 6, unauthorized access to computer system, could fetch up to three years, with ₦7m fine.
And for INEC staff, it means, outright Dismissal, forfeiture of pension, and blacklisting from public service under Public Service Rules. Upon conviction, it also means ten years jail term, and disqualification from contesting elections.
And yet under the Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023, INEC itself risks a fine of up to 2% of annual revenue if found negligent. Individuals who leaked personal data can be sued by victims, ie, any illegible Nigerian voter can sue.
Barr. Festus Ogun, a constitutional lawyer, said on the issue, that, “This is not just an IT issue. It’s about sabotaging democracy. The courts will likely treat it as a serious offense.”
As investigators sift through terabytes of logs, one fact is clear: public trust is also on trial.
For INEC, the next 30 days will determine whether Nigerians believe the Commission can protect the one database that protects their vote. For those culpable, the law, once it catches up, may be less forgiving than the court of public opinion.
INEC Voter Register of 93.4m registered voters as of 2023, the agencies probing the breach, including, EFCC, ICPC, DSS, NDPB, mdy test their capabilities at rekindling public confidence in public institutions and attendant national security.

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Super Eagles: Chelle Explains Decision to Invite New Players

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Super Eagles head coach Éric Chelle has defended his decision to hand opportunities to several new players during the Unity Cup and the international friendly against Poland, saying the move is part of efforts to strengthen the national team.

According to DAILY POST, Chelle included eight home-based players in his squad for the Unity Cup invitational tournament as he continues to assess new talents capable of improving the team.

Players such as Femi Azeez, Owen Oseni, Arthur Okonkwo, and Rafiu Durosinmi all made their debut appearances during the competition.

Banik Ostrava defender Abdullahi Bewene also earned his first cap for the Super Eagles in the friendly against Poland, while Genk defender Christian Akpan received a late invitation for the upcoming friendly against Portugal.

Speaking to the Super Eagles media team, Chelle said the inclusion of fresh faces is aimed at raising the quality and competitiveness of the squad.

“We have analysed our game over the past year and have tried to bring in players who can help the team grow,” Chelle said.

“We need to improve because, for me and for everyone, it is often the smallest details that make the difference between being the best team and winning a trophy.”

The Malian tactician has continued to experiment with his squad since taking charge, with a focus on building a stronger and more competitive team ahead of future international competitions.

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“I Left the Frying Pan for Hellfire” — Senatorial Aspirant Laments Exit from APC to NDC

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Ehiozuwa Agbonayinwa, an aspirant for the Edo South Senatorial seat under the platform of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), has expressed deep frustration over his experience in the party, describing his defection from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the NDC as “moving from the frying pan into hellfire.”

Speaking on Arise NewsNews Day programme on Friday, the former member of the House of Representatives alleged that despite winning the party’s senatorial primary election, he is now being prevented from appearing on the ballot.

Agbonayinwa further accused the NDC’s national leader, Senator Seriake Dickson, of reneging on earlier encouragement for him to contest the Senate seat on the party’s platform. According to him, Dickson personally persuaded him to purchase the party’s expression of interest and nomination forms, only to later deny ever doing so.

“I have moved from the frying pan into hellfire,” Agbonayinwa said.

“After efforts to reach a consensus failed, we proceeded to a direct primary election. Party leaders brought all the aspirants together and encouraged us to step down for one another, but no agreement was reached.

“We went through a rigorous process. I understand the party is relatively new, but in all my years in both the APC and PDP, I have never witnessed this kind of situation. The primary election was held on May 29, and as of June 5, the results have still not been officially announced.”

The former lawmaker said he was particularly disappointed by the role allegedly played by Dickson, whom he described as a longtime friend and respected associate.

“Before joining the NDC, I reached out to Senator Seriake Dickson and later visited him at his residence. During our discussion, he asked why I could not pursue a Senate seat under the NDC platform.

“At the time, I was considering contesting for the House of Representatives, but after his suggestion, I told him I would consult with my political leaders. After doing so, I informed him of my decision and thanked him. To my surprise, the same person who encouraged me to obtain the nomination form has now claimed he never made such a recommendation,” he stated.

Agbonayinwa maintained that the handling of the primary election process has left him frustrated and disillusioned, raising concerns about transparency and internal democracy within the NDC.

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