Opinion
THE ILLUSIVE PEACE ON THE PLATEAU AND THE WEAPONISATION OF RELIGION AND ETHNICITY

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By: A.G. Abubakar.
In matters of ethno-religious crisis, the Yoruba model of tolerance comes handy. With modifications of course, depending on where one’s sectarian inclination. Plus, the fact that poverty is not endemic among the Yoruba. Nor ethnic diversity as well. The bond of kinship and tradition among the Yoruba surpasses that of the Islamic faith, in contrast to what obtains in the North even though the two had contact with Islam about the same time. The Yoruba through the old Mali Empire, that was when they refer to Islam as “Esin Imale”. Indeed, the first set of mosques in Yoruba land was built in Oyo-Ile and Iwo in 1550 and 1655 respectively, earlier than in most parts of the present-day Muslim North. Except maybe for Sokoto, Kano and Borno that embraced the religion in the 10th and 14th centuries.
Outside this axis most development regarding Islam took place in the 18th and 19th centuries. In the Yoruba land of western Nigeria, Islam and tradition coexist harmoniously since ever since. The reason for this may not be unconnected with the variant (sect) of Islam generally being practiced which is the Sufi Order (Ɗariƙat Ahamadiyya, Tijjaniyah, Qadriyyah etc). A lot of the tenets of the Order have been found compatible with the Yoruba cultural dispositions. The Yoruba “Ifa” divination was subtly replaced by the Muslim “Alfa”, a trado-muslim clergyman who like the Babalawo, prepares charms/amulets and concoctions for persons seeking success and protection in life. In the North they are refer to the “Malaman Tsubbu” and they are commonplace too. The practice of polygamy equally practiced by the Yoruba was allowed under Islam only that Islam limits the number to a maximum of four.
Thus, today religious differences never really mattered in Yoruba land. To some extent the same disposition generally obtained in the North until the coming of the Jihadist reform of the Dan Fodio in the 19th century, precisely in the year 1804. A reform that resonated with later day Movements in the 20th century. Salafist Izala groups who strife for purity of practice. The two events (the Jihad and Salafism) reshaped and continue to reshape the practice of Islam in parts of Northern Nigeria. And one of the driving force behind the Salafism philosophy in Nigeria is the Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’ah wa Iqamatus Sunnah (JIBWIS) popularly called the Izala movement, founded in Jos in the 70s by an Islamic scholar named Sheikh Ismaila Idris (1930-2000).
The Movement later got enormous boost through the activities of Sheikhs Abubakar Gumi (Kaduna) and Mahmood Ja’afar (Kano) both of blessed memory. The city of Jos was created by the Colonial Administration in aid of the tin mining activities in the area. “It was a virgin land among the Anaguta and the Afizere natives. Typical of most Hausa and Muslim settlements, leaders Sarkin Hausawan” Jos were appointed to manage their affairs (Krause, General Declaration paper, 2011). The native Berom then were living in a decentralized clan- based scattered settlements on the Jos Plateau with no central authority. In fact, the defunct Jos and Pankshin Divisions up to 1921 (or 1926) were then under Bauchi Providence. The first traditional ruler (Gbong Gwon) of Jos, Da Rwang Pam, a Berom from one of settlements, was appointed by the then Colonial AD in 1947 and directed to come and settle there (Jos) according to one of his sons, Mr. Pam Rwang Pam (May 2016). Before relocating the Gbong Gwon to Jos, there was already a sprawling “setler” enclave populated by Hausa, Fulani, Igala, Nupe, Igbo, Yoruba and others. And it was from this settlement that the Izala Movement was founded. As it were, the Muslim community on the Jos Plateau is a small one amidst the larger non Muslim Berom natives. The community (Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Babur and others) came to the Jos Plateau largely in pursuit of economic opportunities in the tin mining industry which the plateau was famous for. With the economic empowerment the “tiny” Muslim community started terming Jos “home” to the chagrin of the natives who were largely laid back and less involved, business wise, Envy and push-back soon set in.
A perception soon manifested of a tiny economic emigrant group lording it over a vast sea of less prosperous natives. Thus, the age long peace on the Plateau soon started rupturing, triggering series of violent crisis. The two neighbors increasingly became arch enemies. In the ensuing battle for supremacy, the sides, resorted to cultivating platforms and rallying points to secure advantage. Appealing to, religious, political sentiments as wall. ethnicity became a potent strategy. The most lethal and effective one, turned out be “religion”. It soon got weaponized. The Izala, the Church/CAN and other groups took side with their faithfuls in the deadly game of “push me I push you” between “indigenes” and “settlers. The Berom consider themselves the “hosts” and the Muslim (Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Babur and other faithfuls) community the “guests”. They later say no based on their place in the history of Jos and also constitutional rights as Nigerians. The resultant violent crisis has since pitched entire Muslim against the majority Christian group in the Plateau State as a whole, needlessly. And since then, the Ethno-religious embers have been fanned to in and outside the Plateau. A move that kept exacerbating the conflict in both frequency and intensity. Marauding herdsmen and Christian/local militia soon became integral of the carnage to continue to give it a dangerous religious/ethnic coloration and context, away from the basic root cause which was economic with sprinklings of partisan politics. And the consequence? continuous bloodletting, needlessly. According to the Plateau State Peace Building Agency (PSPBA Report), between 1994 to 2020 the state witnessed over 70 cycles of violence that consumed tens of thousands of lives in addition to the destructions of properties worth billions of naira. While the two know the cause of crisis is economic, they successfully appealed to ethnic/religious sentiments to dig in. There is basically no spiritual content to the series of conflict but the gullible onlooker had been made to perceive it as such, unfortunately.
The failure to appreciate the economic context of the crisis has largely been responsible for the many failed Peace Initiatives and Summits on Plateau State. A few include the Obasanjo declaration of state of emergency in 2004 and the appointment Gen. Alli as Administrator, the 2001, ACF Peace Misson led by IGP Coomassie (rtd), as well as various summits by well organizations and institutions (ACF, 2010). The Obasanjo frustrations boiled over during altercations with the CAN, made the unfortunate “CAN-my-foot!” statement. In continuing previous missteps, the current governor Mutfwang constituted a Security Committee of about a dozen persons, all of which were Christians with AVM Napoleon Bali (rtd) as Chairman and Arc. Samuel Jatau the Secretary to the Government as Secretary. No representation from the other divide (the Hausa, Fulani, and Muslims in general), yet the Committee was tasked with finding a lasting peace between the warring groups. It is simply a case of attempting to fly with one wing. This comedy of errors should stop. Plateau people deserve better. Governments at all levels would do well to educate people on this tricky aspect of the conflict to curtail it from becoming a religious war across the country. The move too, should be backed by robust program of poverty reduction and political equity. For, poverty, injustice and ignorance are threats to peace especially in diverse settings like the Plateau State and indeed anywhere else. They are strange bedfellows. They don’t mix well. A stitch in time saves nine.
agbarewa@gmail.com
Opinion
Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

By: Fabian Apechihin
Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.
In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.
“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.
She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.
“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.
Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.
On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.
Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).
However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.
“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”
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Crime
The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

By: Fabian Apechihin
For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.
At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.
While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.
The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.
Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.
Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:
- Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
- Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
- Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
- Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
- Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
- Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.
Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.
According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.
Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.
The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.
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Opinion
The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

By: A G Abubakar
The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!
The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.
Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.
The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.
Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.
Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.
It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.
For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.
Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.
The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.
Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.
Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.
The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.
The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com
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