Connect with us

Opinion

NIGERIA POWER SECTOR CHALLENGES AND ITS GENERATOR-DRIVEN ECONOMY: MORE THAN A TARIFF AND SUBSIDY ISSUE.

Published

on

“A Nation In Darkness” so screamed the cover story of the defunct NewsWatch weekly magazine edition of 30th May, 1988. Nigerians may wish to inform the ghost of that great magazine that the narrative has not changed since. A paradox of motion without movement as efforts by successive governments failed to reasonably move the electricity industry forward.

During the 80s and 90s the power sector in Nigeria had an installed capacity of about 5,000mw. From this, close to 2,000mw was distributed to the then population of 120 million. Thirty five years down the line the story remains the same in relative ratio; 2,000mw for 120 million, is almost the same as 5,000mw distributed to 230 million. This is despite the colossal resources that has been poured into the sector along with series of “reforms”. The current generation capacity oscillates between 22,000 and 33,000mw while installed capacity stands at 13,000mw. From this about 5,000mw is delivered to consumers (NERC, 2023). The international standard as regards power supply ratio is 1,000mw to one million people. Hypothetically, therefore Nigeria should be generating a minimum of 200,000mw. Or at least 100,000mw by the turn of 21st century with capacity to transmit and distribute fifty percent of it to power the economy.

Nigeria’s contemporaries with lesser population and factor endowments (sources of electricity) have been doing pretty impressive in this regard. Such countries include ; Egypt (pop. 109m) 60,000mw, South Africa (pop.62m) 50,000mw, Brazil (pop.214m) 577,000mw and Malaysia (pop.34m) 34,000mw to cite but a few, in rough magnitudes. It is humbling too, to note establishments like the Heathrow Airport in UK and the Haram in Mecca KSA are provide with more electricity than Nigeria’s 5,000mw.

Electricity, for a fact remains the backbone of modern economies. Studies may not have come up with a precise numerical contribution of electricity to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in terms of percentage, but there is causal correlation between economic development and a sustainable power sector. No nation in modern times has achieved greatness without viable power sector. Nigeria’s $450 billion economy is no exception.

A Case Of Growth Without Development.
The Nigerian economy was rebased about a decade ago; in the year 2014 to be precise. The exercise saw the economy becoming the largest in Africa, with a GDP in the region of $510 billion, an impressive leap from the figure of $270 billion in 2014. Nigeria shoved the Republic of South Africa (RSA) to a second place. The rebasing formula so applied, more variables. Instead of using only “production”, but also “revenue” and “expenditure” were included. The rebased GDP however experienced sluggish growth since then (2014), due largely to macroeconomic challenges of which electricity (power) has been an internal part.

Rebased GDP could in actual sense be likened to “paper” expansion or basically a ” growth without development” in that its impact on national productive capacity and citizens wellbeing has always been minimal. In case of Nigeria despite the impressive leap, the phenomenon came with worsening levels of poverty (63%), mass unemployment (33%, among the youth) galloping inflation (29%), unstable interest and exchange rates with precipitous 2% average annual GDP growth between 2019 and 2023 (nbs,2024).

This is certainly consistent with the phenomenon of “growth without development” as espoused in the works of such greats scholars as Michael Tadaro and Andre Gunder Frank. Leveraging a nation of 230 million people with a $450 billion economy, projected to hit $1trillion in no distance future (curtesy: Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda) on a five thousand megawatts of electricity could only mean strangulation, economically. The sector needs to be holistically overhauled in terms of policy and structure, to drive the economy with high efficiency.

The power sector structure at a glance.
Nigeria structured its electricity industry on a value chain comprising, generation, transmission and distribution segments. The stakeholders in the chain include; eight (8) generation companies (Gencos), one (1) state-owned Transmission Company (TCN) and eleven (11) distribution companies (DisCos). In addition about half ( 1/2 ) a dozen regulatory and support services agencies are also part of the system. These are the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), Nigerian Electricity Management Services Agency (NEMSA), Nigerian Electricity Liability Management Company (NELMCO), Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading (NBET), National Power Training Institute (NAPTIN) and a Rural Electrification Agency (REA). These establishments constitute the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) ecosystem.

Two enabling Acts, the Electric Power Sector Act of 2005 (repealed) and reformulated as the Electricity Act of 2023 provided the necessary legal backings for the operations of the various agencies. Earlier in 2021, the Electric Power Sector Reform (EPSR), among others, created a semi autonomous outfit in aid of transmission stability called the Independent System Operator (ISO). The ISO complements the the TCN’s other core activities such as system operations and transmission services provider. The goal of these elaborate policy and institutional frameworks was to create the necessary enabling environment for the power sector to harness the various sources (coal, hydro, gas, solar etc) of electricity in the country to leverage Nigeria’s rapid economic transformation.

Array of interventions.
Beyond the elaborate institutional setup and “rich” policy instruments, the government periodically undertake the reviews and interventions to strengthen routine performance. Some of these interventions include, ordinary change of names, ownership structure and bailouts. For instance, the dominant establishment driving the electricity sector in 60s and 70s was called the ECN. The name was changed to NEPA in the 80s & 90s and PHCN in the 2000s. The industry was unbundled, segmented into (generation, transmission distribution) and largely privatised in 2013.

Before the partial privatisation the government wholly owned and run the electricity sector as the a quasi social service. It still intervenes once in a while to address gaps by holding equities, stabilising liquidity and facilitating access to loans. To boost consumption, government provided subsidy which until recently was to the tune of 67%. For the industry to maintain a stable liquidity base, the government took 40 percent of the equity in the Discos, aside the provision of financial guarantees to cushion revenue losses. And to boost consumption, the government provided subsidy to the tune of 67%.
Available information indicate that about seven billion and five hundred million dollars ($7.5 billion) was secured in the last couple of years to improve the operations of electricity industry, especially transmission network expansion. Not long ago, the transmission network system, (which was highly inadequate) comprised about 5,000km of 330kv and 7,000km of 132kv lines plus about 19,000km of 11kv for distribution. The loan portfolios include the IMF/World Bank, the Chinese, AfDB, Japan etc. Internally too, the government expended over N1.6 trillion since the privatisation exercise and still counting in aid of the sector. Global best practices were provided through the engagement reputable contractors and consulting firms project execution and technical support. Some of the reputable external firms so involved the sector’s operations include, the Concraft, General Electric (GE), Manitoba, Siemens GA etc. These array of periodic interventions were effected to reposition the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry for better performance. And to oil the wheels of the process, the government grants the stakeholders right latitude to review and hike tariffs occasionally. Thus in the last decade tariffs moved from N12 kwh in (2015), N40 kwh (2020) to N66 and eventually N226 kwh for band (category) “A” consumers in 2024. On account of these exercises, the revenue accruing to the DisCos hit over a trillion naira by the end of 2023.

The Crisis Of Performance.
Despite all of these interventions and reforms, the performance sector remains lacklustre, serving Nigerians with darkness and frustrations instead. The debilitating experiences are legendary. For a start the available power of 5,000mw is too low to make appreciable impact on the economy, by constraining access to only 54% of Nigeria’s 230 million citizen. The industry too has as small as 12 million registered consumers out of which only 5.8 million are metered according to nbs and NERC (2023). With this the industry could supply power to consumers for an average of 12 – 16 hours. Many claim the figure is far less and suggest 6 hours instead. Even at that, consumers are subjected to frequent and annoying outages, poor quality currents, voltage fluctuations etc. And so Nigerians, for most part have to depend on generators for up to 48.6% of their power needs at a huge cost to the nation and the citizens’ wellbeing. Various statistics estimate that Nigeria spent as much as $5 billion on generator import in 2020 and 2021with much on fuel and maintenance to run them annually.

In the field the sector has to contend with increasing frequency of national grid collapse and the vandalisation of critical installations. Between 2017 and 2023 the grid system collapsed over 46 times by the end of 2023. Since then about 1/2 a dozen more. No thanks to aging facilities, code compromises and the use of sub standard materials on account of corruption. This is aside rising incidences of vandalism. The NERC reported as many as 117 cases of vandalisation of power installations (towers, cables, transformers etc) took place in the years 2020 and 2021. These ugly developments degrade the the power sector’s capacity enormously to the extent that about 8,000mw could not be wheeled from the Gencos. TCN’s wheeling capacity limitations plus aging infrastructure complete the industry’s woes. And not discounting the massive corrupt practices among the generality of the employees in the electricity industry. Extortion, cover up for illegal connections, connivance to steal power and wipe out bills are the order of the day.
The precarious state of the power sector was captured by ex-Governor El Rufai during a Senate screening exercise where he made it known that 5 out of the 11 DisCos were under receivership by creditors, while 3 were seriously stressed. Only 3 were managing to stay stable. Many of the investors too liked financia and technical competence to run power firms successfully. That the Gencos depend on gas for over 85% of their operations and so easily got bogged down when scarcity sets. These challenges and more have literally conspired to reduce the power sector to a national liability and a big setback to the economy and people’s happiness.

On account of this some state governments have openly come out to castigate the service providers. Just recently the Niger State house of assembly passed a motion asking the state government to pull out of the AEDC. A few years back, the Edo State Governor literally worked out the functionaries of BEDC from his office for non performance and also stifling the economy of the state. Many industries have closed down or relocated to more business friendlier environments out the country while those still hanging on are producing at prohibitive and uncompetitive costs.

Corporate bodies like MAN and NACIMA have claimed that around 800 enterprises in Nigeria have either closed down or relocated to other countries, especially the Multinationals on account of harsh business environment particularly dearth of power supply.

The missteps.
How did NESI come to be so challenged? The privatisation was done in haste with little due diligence on the buyers who turned out to be technically and financially deficient. This much insiders like former top government functionaries like El-rufai and Shamsudeen who were part of the process from inception have acknowledged.

Besides the hasty pace, the processes seemed to have dispensed with the elementary laws of demand and supply in crafting the operations of the various stakeholders along the power value chain. Simple economics tells that for effective equilibrium to be achieved what is produced (supply) and consumed (demand) should be projected right from planning stage. In such a case, the incongruous situation in which TCN/DisCos could only wheel/ off-take less than 50% of Gencos output smacks of poor planning. The relationships among the stakeholders should have been more seamless and properly synchronised.

The existence of too many regulatory agencies may serves as unnecessary “check points” especially where some of their functions overlap or operational decisions and directives conflict.
Relying on a single source of electricity like has its down side. Nigeria should diversify its sources to include viable alternatives like coal, hydro, and solar. Over reliance on an underdeveloped gas sector by Gencos has been one the drawbacks of the power sector.

Half hearted war to contain corrupt practices by successive governments been part of the power sector’s undoing Monumental corruption has permeated most, if not all aspects of the electricity industry. From the “fault man” with a ladder to the Ministerial Boardrooms where multi billion dollar contracts are influenced and awarded. Usually underlined by political patronage and/or clique interest. The alleged $6 billion Mambila Power Project comes readily to mind among others. At the lowest rang a lot of field officials from the DisCos have made it a habit to either extort or connive with consumers to short change their respective establishments. They facilitate illegal connections, wipe out bills, and pilfer accessories for pecuniary interest. A case of monumental corruption from top to bottom.

With benefits of hindsight a couple of architects of the Nigeria’s model of privatisation like El Rufai and Shamsudeen Usman had come to recognise capacity deficiency as one of the major gaps in the exercise. Political exigency and self-serving interests for instance handed over the distribution of power to entities (DisCos) that were technically and financially ill-equipped. It is therefore instructive that Government and its development partners should place high premium on the human factor when it does reform exercises.

Adopting the Breton Woods “advice” (structural adjustment programme) line, hook and sinker has a lot of down sides. Structural adjustment programmes from the West, conventionally presuppose or are based on certain assumptions, some of which include citizens’ patriotism and transparency. So also merits and competencies. These attitudes are taken for granted or as given. Unfortunately they are in short supply in environments like Nigeria. And so when the IMF/WB comes with SAP that focus on economic variables such as exchange rate, subsidy, tariff hikes, etc they hardly succeed. The take off point for donor support such as those in the power sector should instructively be the human factor, especially content of character. Else both the national and donor resources that come with such interventions/programmes would simply disappear; a basket case, which has become a recurrent feature of Nigeria-IMF/WB and indeed other externally funded bilateral projects.

Way Forward
The task of closing up 100,000mw power deficit is certainly a daunting one. But Nigeria has no option but brace up to target a respectable level of 50,000mw in the short run. And for that goal to be achieved immediate steps should be taken to address the obvious drawbacks encumbering the electricity industry.

So for a way forward, considerations for the issues herein after identified would be crucial.

a) Government should be wary of using tariff hikes and removal of subsidy as basic tools of reform. Emphasis should be placed on enhancing national investment in the power sector. The entire revenue that could accrue from the sale of 5,000mw without subsidy would be too small to turn the fortune of the sector around. Yet it has the needless potential to create widespread disillusionment in the society is massively required. Government should turn to part of the savings from the petrol subsidy withdrawal, excess crude funds, new taxation bands, etc to generate the required investment funds.

b) The human factor is of essence too. The technical and managerial capacity gaps in the TCN and the Discos at all levels should be addressed through massive technical training and retraining, plus reorientation for attitudinal change. To achieve this goal, the Government should take back the DisCos. The bane of the DisCos has been inadequate investment and inefficient management. Consumers should not be made to pay for such inefficiencies

c) Attention should be paid to coal and alternative sources of power generation like the hydro in Mambila and other parts of the country, solar and even wind energy that are equally in abundance. The West that have been preaching against fossil fuel are busy using same in national interest

d) As regards the about 8,000mw “unevacuated” stock of electricity from the Gencos, government should explore the possibility of acquiring an industrial “power bank” that could store huge amounts of energy for a long while. A special purpose vehicle (SPV) could be put in to transmit the stored energy to industrial cluster who consume power in bulk. The strategy is being adopted in many Asian and M.E countries.

e) The Nigerian government initiative on nuclear power development for electricity should be stepped up. New technologies and processes are making nuclear power plants safer and more efficient. National interest and options should be be brought to bear on this vision. But it’s worth being kept at the front burner.

f) The regulatory agencies are too many with some of them seemingly having overlapping functions. A case of too many cooks spoiling the stew. This is notwithstanding the theoritical division of functions provided for, in their respective enabling acts. The sector is top-heavy and constituting needless drain on the system.

g) The phenomenon of corruption has become malignant and also a way of life or second nature in Nigeria. It poses existential threats to communities and nation. The power represents one of cesspit of this ugly vice. It has almost succeeded in killing the sector. And so given the centrality of power in the lives of ordinary folks and the national economy, government should establish a special power court (SPC) to deal with culprits. In many other climes, corruption and the vandalisation of critical national installations/infrastructure like electricity are considered treasonable felonies. Nigeria should take a cue.

h) With time the government should explore the possibility of fast trucking the acquisition of nuclear power technology for peaceful purpose such as generating electricity. i) The Federal government too should fast truck the participation of the state governments in the power industry in the spirit of the Electricity Act of the 2023. States should be free to produce and deliver electricity to their citizens to boost economic activities.

j) The nation needs a robust strategy beyond the externally inspired narrow praxis of tariff hikes, subsidy withdrawal and free market forces.
A. G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

Published

on


By: Fabian Apechihin

Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.

In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.

“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.

She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.

“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.

Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.

On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).

However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.

“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”


Let me know if you’d like a more formal or more opinionated version.

Continue Reading

Crime

The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

Published

on

By: Fabian Apechihin


For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.

At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.

While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.

The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.

Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.

Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:

  1. Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
  2. Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
  3. Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
  4. Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
  5. Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
  6. Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.

Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.

According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.

Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.

The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.


Would you like this version adapted further for a newspaper editorial, op-ed, or speech format?

Continue Reading

Opinion

The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

Published

on


By: A G Abubakar

The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!

The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.

Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.

The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.

Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.

Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.

It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.

For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.

Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.

The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.

Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.

Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.

The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.

The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2017 Zox News Theme. Theme by MVP Themes, powered by WordPress.