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NNAMDI KANU IS GOOD RIDDANCE TO BAD RUBBISH

Published

6 months ago

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By Charles Nnaebuka, PhD

Nnamdi Kanu’s conviction and sentencing to life in prison marks not just the end of a chapter in Nigeria’s uneasy secessionist saga but a vindication of the view that his brand of defiance was not freedom-fighting but a toxic mix of arrogance, recklessness and a willful courting of violence. He is, in the starkest sense, a good riddance to bad rubbish.
To those who really know him, Nnamdi Kanu was never just a dissident. He was a swaggering provocateur whose rise was built on historical grievance, his own myth-making and a kind of hubris that finally destroyed him.

Born in 1967 in Nigeria’s southeast, Kanu came of age in a region haunted by the spectre of Biafra, the short-lived secessionist state that sparked a civil war. That war killed more than one million people and its memory became the fuel for Kanu’s long, volatile evolution. For years, Kanu wrapped his separatist ambitions in the language of self-determination, historical injustice and opportunism. He spoke of Biafra not merely as a lost dream but as a moral imperative.

In that regard, he launched Radio Biafra around 2009 from London broadcasting not just a separatist message, but a combative, almost messianic call: the Igbo people would no longer tolerate their status at the mercy of a Nigerian state they saw supposedly as corrupt, oppressive and irredeemable.
Riding on that faulty illusion, he formed the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) (which would later be proscribed a terrorist group by the courts due to violent activities), turning a radio station into a movement.

Over time he hardened his message, daring to turn resistance into an existential fight. By exploiting the ignorance of many in the Southeast, he mobilised thousands via Radio Biafra, calling on his followers to sit at home, to resist, to hate the Nigerian state. But that lofty narrative belied something more brittle: a man intoxicated by his own importance, certain that his convictions placed him above accountability. His antecedents, both real and self-styled laid the groundwork: Kanu tapped into deep-seated Igbo frustration, historical trauma and a longing for self-determination.

But rather than moderate or negotiate, he doubled down and saw himself not just as a leader, but as the voice of a people allegedly long wronged and his role rapidly grew into something grandiose. He did not just agitate for change, he believed he was indispensable to it.
When he was first arrested in 2015 on treason charges, he seemed to relish the spotlight. But after a dramatic military raid on his home in 2017, he fled while on bail and his disappearance only elevated his status among his followers. In 2021, he was re-arrested in Kenya and controversially extradited back to Nigeria, moves he would later decry as illegitimate and part of an alleged broader conspiracy against him.

However, when the court finally delivered its judgment, Justice James Omotosho did not mince words. He described Kanu’s behavior during the trial as “arrogant, cocky, and full of himself,” a man who refused to recognize the limits of his power. Kanu’s pride was not just in his speech, it was in his refusal to engage with the court’s processes. As self style activist and freedom fighter ala Obafemi Awolowo, Nelson Mandela and Martin Lurther King, he dismissed legal representation, challenged the court’s jurisdiction and eventually refused to mount any defense. That obstinacy amounts to more than ideological posturing but a strategic miscalculation, a self-inflicted wound.

Kanu’s charges were serious. The court found him guilty on seven counts related to terrorism. Prosecutors presented evidence that his broadcasts on Radio Biafra were not mere political speech, but calls to violence, that he incited attacks, gave instructions related to bomb-making and directed “sit-at-home” orders in the Southeast that paralysed movement and threatened and ended innocent lives of those who defied his orders. His orders and style infringed on the rights of citizens. Kanu’s violent nature is not a footnote but a raging reality: media reports tie his sit-at-home orders to almost a thousand deaths in the Southeast between 2021 and 2025, as armed actors enforcing those orders killed civilians and clashed with security forces. In court, a key witness testified that Kanu’s broadcasts directed his followers to “deal decisively” with security operatives, estimating 170 to 200 killed in attacks allegedly tied to his Eastern Security Network (ESN). Another prosecution witness accused ESN fighters of grotesque acts, claiming they desired to bury a dead member with “2,000 human heads” and used human flesh in ritualistic practices. This is not mere agitation, it is the architecture of terror.

Notably, the judge pointed out that by ordering people to stay home, Kanu violated their freedom of movement and that he lacked any constitutional basis to demand a people’s shutdown the way he did.
Even more stark, during the trial, the court admitted a video recorded statement by Kanu from 2015, in which he denied any link to violence, yet security operatives testified they had evidence to the contrary. There were suitcases seized at his arrest containing broadcasting equipment, suggesting his “struggle” was anchored in real world operations, not just rhetoric.

During sentencing, the judge could have imposed the death penalty, but opted for life imprisonment, citing global opposition to capital punishment and invoking mercy. That mercy came despite what the judge described as Kanu’s ongoing “tendency of violence” even in court. In fact, at one point, he was ejected for unruly behaviour.

What finally brought Kanu down was not just the state or the weight of the charges; it was his own hubris which made him a tragic hero. He became a man consumed by own unbridled pride and error of judgment. As typical, he was a man who thundered at crowds, who believed his cause justified every excess, but who could not or would not respect the formal structures of law when they turned against him. He may have projected an image of invincibility, but in reality, he built his power on a foundation of confrontation without compromise.

Kanu’s downfall is human, not mythic. He was not a martyr with clean hands; he was a provocateur who toyed with fire until it burned him. He refused to repent, refused to adapt, refused to play by any rules but his own. And now, at the end, justice has caught up. His conviction is more than a legal outcome. It is a warning: no matter how righteous a cause, defiance without discipline, conviction without humility, arrogance without accountability, that’s a recipe for ruin. A man who cast himself as a liberator became undone by his own arrogance. His cause may have been rooted in historical injustice, but the method, the refusal to bend or compromise, the constant drama, all of it built a tower whose base was too narrow. And in this case, the ruin is complete. He became the provebial grasshopper that went to the grave with the corpse simply because he lacked tact, wisdom and discernment. Kanu is indeed a good riddance to bad rubbish.

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Opinion

OF GOVERNANCE AND THE ZULUMFICATION OF GOVERNANCE IN BORNO: RANDOM MUSSINGS ON GOV. ZULUM’S 3RD YEAR 2ND STANZA.

Published

6 hours ago

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May 30, 2026

By

By: Inuwa Bwala. inuwabwala3@gmail.com

By the time I put down my pen, the media space would have been awash with narratives about the achievements of Mr President and governors, as a mark of celeberation of their third year in office.
I will not bother chronicling what will be told of their achievements, rather I want to look into the curious magic wand that made my own governor to stand differently tall.
One will not find the definition of title coinage for this piece in any conventional English lexicon, but no Nigerian will claim ignorance of what it signifies in our present governance discourse.
Many words have today been personified after certain people, who popularize an idiosyncritic mannerism.
And so, in Borno’s 15-year war against insurgency, Governor Babagana Umara Zulum seem to have chosen an unconventional playbook: governance style, reminisceint of an emergency doctor, not a distant administrator, which led to above coinage.
Three idiosyncrasies define his second term in particular, and the gains are showing on the ground to the effect that, these idiosyncracies gave rise to the coinage: Zulumfication.

Zulum’s trademark has been his unannounced visits; 2am checks on General Hospitals, surprise trips to IDP camps in Monguno, Baga, Damboa and others. Sudden stops on bad roads in Gwoza and unsheduled night overs in dangerous localities, as his routine.
He inspects projects with torchlight and asks hard questions: sometimes sacking absentee staff on the spot.
And the gains have added speed and discipline to government Contracts and civil servants.
They promptly deliver, knowing Zulum could appear any day any time.
This obviously explains how, 238 projects got completed in year one of his second term and 1,195 projects in five years. That urgency earned Governor Babagana Umara Zulum the Nigeria Union of Journalist’s Good Governance Award on Education in 2023.
And while Borno spent about N100bn on security in 2025, Zulum kept prioritizing people, with N727m going to 28,801 tertiary students. N1.5bn covered nursing students’ fees, besides the cash support reacheming 343,293 women.
His logic, has been that, “Education is the real antidote for insurgency. The payoff is human recovery.
Records indicate that, over 1,000 teachers were recruited, 150+ schools rebuilt, and the 104 Mega School Initiative launched. And so, when President Tinubu commissioned three mega schools in Maiduguri in 2026, he called them “tangible evidence of effective governance.” Kids who once hawked on Maiduguri streets are back in class because opportunity replaced despair.

Again, Zulum is known to have zero tolerance for waste. He has queried commissioners live on TV, sacked ghost workers, and confronted contractors who abandoned sites. It nay be uncomfortable in politics, but it works. Borno scored 89.7/100 on the 2025 Governance Accountability & Transparency Index, up from 86.3 in 2024, ranking among Nigeria’s top 10. Ministries now expect scrutiny, and leakages have shrunk.

Zulum blends this with reconstruction plus reconciliation. While 20,000+ resettlement homes house over 1 million returned IDPs, his “Borno Model” has convinced 200,000+ fighters and families to surrender and got reintegrated. Markets in Bama, Dikwa and Gwoza are reopening. Roads are being rebuilt, though insecurity still stalls some projects in southern Borno.

He remains low-profiled but with very high-output, avoiding political noise and letting the work speak. The Muslim News Nigeria honored him with its 2025 Transformational Leadership Award for “courage, accountability, compassion.”

Perfection is not claimed. Pockets of violence persist, and security costs strain finances, but Zulum’s style proves a point
In a crisis situation, presence builds trust, empathy rebuilds people, and accountability restores institutions. Borno is moving from “state of emergency” to “state of reconstruction” — one unannounced visit produces uncommon results.
Thiese in my opinion are amingst the exceptional things governor Babagana Umara has done, which have given rise to his national acclaim as an outstanding performer.

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Opinion

Aondoakaa, a Leader Who Opens Doors: My Personal Story of Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN

Published

1 week ago

on

May 22, 2026

By

By Iorwuese Tyopev, PhD

Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, is, in my experience, a transformational leader, and I can personally testify to this from years of direct engagement with him.

Although I initially knew him only casually as an elder brother from Ushongo, our relationship deepened when I approached him to patronise the business I managed as a hotel manager in Abuja. From that point, Siman Suites in Garki became his preferred accommodation whenever he was in the Federal Capital Territory.

Each time he was travelling to Abuja, his usual call would come: “Tyopev, my brother, please keep a room for me, I’m on my way.”

A defining moment in 2006

One of the most memorable moments in our relationship came in 2006 when he was conferred with the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). For his swearing-in ceremony at the Supreme Court, he booked almost the entire hotel for family, friends, and well-wishers who travelled from far and near to celebrate with him.

Beyond the business value, his consistent patronage strengthened my professional standing at the time and positively influenced my performance evaluation at work.

Continued relationship in public service

Our relationship continued after his appointment as Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice in July 2007 under the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

Coincidentally, around the same period, my late boss, Senator J.I. Akaagerger, was elected into office and invited me to serve as his Senior Legislative Aide at the National Assembly. Chief Aondoakaa also expressed interest in bringing me into the Ministry of Justice as an aide. Although I chose to remain with my principal at the National Assembly, he respected my decision and maintained a cordial, brotherly relationship with me.

Prison decongestion intervention

Shortly after assuming office as Minister, he launched a prison decongestion initiative. In September 2007, I submitted an application requesting allocation of prison decongestion cases. He immediately asked whether I had legal representation, and upon confirmation, he promptly assigned several cases to me.

That support continued throughout his tenure until 2010.

Career support and mentorship

By mid-2008, I expressed dissatisfaction with my role at the National Assembly. He advised patience and assured me of better opportunities.

True to his word, in January 2009, he informed me of an opportunity with Dr Paul Orhii, then Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), who agreed to engage me as Special Assistant.

Although I resumed duty, I was later informed—within 30 days—that my services were no longer required due to a change in preference. Chief Aondoakaa was abroad at the time, but upon his return, he reassured me, saying: “Don’t worry, another opportunity will come.”

New opportunity at NAPTIP

Shortly after, I was invited to his residence in Apo, where I met Barr. Simon Chuzi Egede, MON, who had just been appointed Executive Secretary of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP).

There, I was informed that I would serve as Special Assistant to the new Executive Secretary.

In a remarkable turn of events, I received my appointment letter the next day as Special Assistant at Grade Level 16 Step 5, along with an official vehicle and chauffeur. I was also integrated into top management committees and exposed to both national and international engagements.

End of an era and lasting gratitude

Following the death of President Yar’Adua in 2010 and subsequent political changes, Chief Aondoakaa left office as Minister, which also affected my position at NAPTIP due to its political nature.

Looking back, I remain deeply grateful to Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, for his loyalty, mentorship, and willingness to uplift others.

Some leaders inspire with words; others transform lives through action. Chief Aondoakaa, in my experience, belongs firmly to the latter category.

NB: This is Part 1 of a series of reflections on my personal experience with MKA, highlighting his mentorship and support to those around him, shared in anticipation of his birthday on June 12.

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Opinion

Odua People’s Assembly defends NSA Ribadu, criticizes Ishola Williams’ call for removal

Published

2 months ago

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March 18, 2026

By

The Odua People’s Assembly (OPA) has come out in defense of National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu, condemning recent remarks by retired Nigerian Army General Ishola Williams calling for Ribadu’s removal.

In a statement issued by OPA Chairman Richard Olatunji Kayode, the group described Williams’ comments, made during a Channels Television interview on March 15, 2026, as “irresponsible and counterproductive,” arguing that they lacked factual basis and risked undermining efforts to address Nigeria’s security challenges.

“His assertions lack factual support and are driven more by emotional manipulation than by evidence-based reasoning,” Kayode said. “Such rhetoric contributes to a culture of ‘permanent pessimism’ that undermines the morale of our security forces and the integrity of our national institutions.”

Kayode emphasized that irresponsible criticism, unlike constructive feedback, damages reputations, fosters mistrust, and distracts from meaningful solutions.

He urged that public discourse focus on actionable measures rather than unsubstantiated accusations.

The OPA highlighted Ribadu’s proactive initiatives, including the National Forest Guard programme, as well as his record as former Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), where he gained recognition for anti-corruption efforts.

“Under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Ribadu has been recognized for his effectiveness in combating banditry and terrorism. His ability to coordinate security forces and solve criminal cases demonstrates his competence and dedication to public safety,” Kayode said.

The group called on influential Nigerians to engage in responsible and constructive dialogue on national security issues, urging Williams to reconsider his position and contribute to solutions rather than criticism.

“Our collective responsibility is to foster an environment of trust, collaboration, and constructive criticism, ensuring that our security forces are equipped and supported to protect our great nation,” Kayode concluded.

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