Opinion

OPINION( BOKO HARAM): A Time To Look Beyond The Obvious.

Published

11 months ago

October 8, 2025

By: A G Abubakar

The book, Scars: Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum, written by General Leo Irabor, rtd, was launched recently. The occasion was graced by a galaxy of who is who is in Nigeria’s contemporary leadership. The General pulled it off by having two former heads of state in attendance: Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan. The serving one Bola Tinubu was represented by his Minister of Defence, Badaru. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who wrote the book’s Forward, was also the Chairman of the occasion.

The clergy wasn’t left out. The author was able to bring His Eminence, the Sultan of Sokoto, and His Royal Highness, the Etsu Nupe, to the occasion, too. The Catholic Bishop of Sokoto, Mathew Hassan Kukah, the book reviewer, was a strategic compliment to the royal fathers; a conclave of the secular and the spiritual

A former National Security Adviser, General B.M.Monguno, was tasked with the keynote remarks, tilted ” Reflections on National Security,” with messages from the Chief of Defence Staff, CDS, the National Security Adviser (NSA), and a host of other serving and retired security-related stakeholders. Why give this roll call? The answer is, since the subject matter of the book was security and how it has become elusive over the last one and a half decades, there is no better dramatis personae than the collection at the book launch. One would expect that at the end of the occasion, a glimpse of the roadmap for solutions would have been more discernible. A holy grail would have been discovered, so to say! And, this optimism could not be a misplaced one either. Yours faithfully, was privileged to be part of the occasion on account of the author’s personal invitation.

Under Their Command And Watch

Obasanjo was at the helm of the nation’s affairs twice. One as a military head of state in the late 70s. His second coming was in agbada/farar hula (civilian) in 1999. The Boko Haram (Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li Al-Da’wa wal Jihad) struck about the same time in Kanamma the headquarters of Yunusari LGA, of Yobe Yobe, in the year 2000. He was there until 2007 when ‘Yar Adua took over and susequently Goodluck Jonathan, who took over in 2009, after the death of his boss. He had his baptism of fire by Boko Haram in 2014, following the abduction of over 250 secondary school girls in Chibok town, a local government area in Borno State.

President Buhari rode on the back of the insecurity, among others, to win power but could only do much in 2015. The trend of abductions continued with Buni Yadi students and Dapchi girls. The Boko Haram became more sophisticated and more potent. Its mutant outfit Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP), became more formidable. The duo, though mutually antagonistic to each other due to differences on ideological inclination, were able to expand their operations beyond the North East region of Nigeria by the year 2020. They were able to establish cells in both the Central and North Western zones, where they worked in alliance with other insurgency groups like the Ansar, Lakurawa, Mahmuda etc in such states as Niger, Kaduna, Kogi, Kebbi and lately Kwara.

General Monguno, who was the NSA throughout Buhari’s eight years, is a “son of the soil” (indigene) of Borno State, where Boko Haram insurgency started. The author, whose recollection and assessment of the crisis via the book that was launched, served as President Muhammadu Buhari’s (PMB)Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). He worked closely with the National Security Adviser (NSA), Monguno. Ordinarily, there was no single group in Nigeria’s history that should have a greater depth of the nation’s problems than those present at the book launch.

The author tried very much in dissecting the raisons d’etre of Boko Haram and its modus operandi. He also proffered workable solutions based on his field and personal experience. But that’s where the discourse stopped. One by one, the men that are being looked up to for clearer vision came across as almost banal. Though the occasion may not be appropriate for war room ideas, the ideological interrogation of the historical manifestation of the Boko Haram insurgency or any other could hqve bene of great help.

Still Dwelling On The Usual Suspects

The recognition and appreciation of this fact could go a long way in finding a sustainable solution to the ugly phenomenon. Unfortunately, most eminent speakers dwelled on the usual suspects; poverty, politics, porous borders, and ignorance. As relevant as these factors are, they remain as symptoms and not causes. They are enablers that can reduce the foothold of insurgency but not keep it at bay sustainably. Islamic insurgency is an ideological movement with a long history, which should be of essence when it comes searching for solutions. Wisdom says that “it is easier to fight an invasion army more successfully than that of a belief system.”

Obasanjo spoke of “better life” for the youth. Kukah dwelled on ethno-religious schism, the nation’s challenged security architecture and the likes. The Sultan, as retired General of the Nigerian army tried to distance the Muslim ummah (faithfuls) from the insurgency, including the wrong notion being widely held regarding the Islamic context of Jihad. According to him, Jihad generally means “to strive” to “struggle” for good, in both personal and social realms. Monguno took his listeners down the lane of Nigeria’s history and security challenges since independence in 1960 and blamed some of the crises on attitudes and bad governance.

Jonathan, in his brief remarks, saw the Boko Haram phenomenon from the political prism, even though he recognised the millions of out-of-school kids as part of the enablers. That’s why his Administration introduced the Al’majiri school that couldn’t get traction after he left office. In the final analysis was the collective call on all sundry to turn a new leaf also for the governments to be guided by justice. Unfortunately, these elements are not given. They are usually cultivated, especially by leadership. But here we were, before three or more generations of political leadership, which people looked up to for solutions, ironically pontificating on “change” and “justice.”

The takeaways from the esteemed interventions are two-fold. One, leadership in Nigeria is yet to contextualise the phenomenon of religious insurgency and easily gets preoccupied by fighting the symptoms basically. Secondly, and drawing from the first drawback, the successive governments seemed “trapped” when it comes to appropriating appropriate strategies for dealing with the historical phenomenon of faith-based insurgency.

Governments can build all the schools, improve the people’s well-being, create job opportunities that are needed, but they may still go only as far, with insurgents. Such interventions needed to be taken in tandem with encouraging a shift in the acquisition of religious knowledge, from the extremist perspective to the mainstream. This should be done right from the primary school level, with a view of producing der-adicalised future generations. By necessity, therefore, the content of learning and the needed power (quantity and quality) should be developed, especially across the Muslim majority states.

The learning system should be able to expose learners to the evolution of sects and sectarianism in Islam. To interrogate the various experiences and their implications for individuals and society. Nations that were able to do so have become less prone to insurgencies that could pose existential threats. Such countries include Malaysia, Indonesia, Morocco, Turkey, Kazakhstan, UAE etc.They succeeded partly because they were able to come to navigate the nuanced complexity of Islamic and modern day political systems as relates to both the adherents and other non Muslims in a given setting.

Shari’a Is Islamic But Not The Violence

The challenge in the search for a faith-based political system in Islam dates back to few decades after the death of the Prophet of Islam, Muhammad in the year 632 AD. The choice of a successor after the first three, gave rise to what has come to be known as Shi’a sect, now dominant in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen and few others. They have over a dozen sub-sects. Shia’a vests political leadership in a supreme/spiritual leader, the Imam, and the system is thus generally referred to as, Imamate. The Imams are believed to be descendants of the Prophet of Islam, allegedly.

The Sunni went on to device a political system that was based on Islam’s Holy Book, the Qur’an and the Hadith (sayings and way of life) of the Prophet. The prominent clerics in this endeavour included Al’Mawardi (972-1058), Al’Ghazali (1058-1111), Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328), Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), among others. Their works among other developments at the time gave rise to two branches of the Sunni – those hanging onto the ideals and ideas of the forerunners who shared the prophetic era and those that were philosophically inclined. The former is today referred to as Sunni-Salafi, and the latter known as the Sufi. Both groups have subgroups.

The Sufi Sunni, loosely called Ɗariƙa, has such sub sects as the Tijjaniyah, Ahmadiyah, Qadriyyah etc, so named after their spiritual founders or prominent leaders. The Sufi are generally more laid back and accommodating.

The Jihadists In The Midst

The Sunni-Salafi may be divided into three or more formations, largely driven by the works of Ibn Taymiyyah, an theocratic purist of the first order. The Sheik is alleged to never believe in a secular leadership system. He believes that the Muslim world should be ruled by Muslims using the Shari’a law. His strong aversion of external sources of law outside Islam was rooted in the tyrannical era of the Mongols (Mouguls) who ruled his part of the world that time. It seems he used the pulpit in energising his compatriots against the “invaders.” A liberation theology of sorts.

Ibn Taymiyya influenced later Islamic clerics like the Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahab (1703-1792) of Saudi Arabia, who is still being revered as the father of Wahabism (theocratism). He in turn influenced the late Grand Muftis of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, such as Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz (1910-1999), Muhammad ibn Uthaymeen and many others. In Egypt, Hassan al Banna, and Sayyid Qutb used the Wahabism philosophy to found the Muslim Brotherhood (1928) to fight against British colonial rule and the subsequent constitutional administrations in Egypt.

Within the ranks of the Salafi movement there are moderates, modernists, and the firebrand (jihadist). They all draw inspirations from Ibn Taymiyya, Wahabism and the Muslim Brotherhood in varying degrees and appreciation. Ibn Taymiyyah’s notable works included Al-Siyasah al-Shar’iyyah and Al-Hisbah fi al-Islam. The former is a touchstone in Islamic governance, principles and rules for Shari’a-based state) while the latter deals with the role of the state in promoting good and forbidding evil.

Many Sunni-Salafi in Nigeria have participated in government. They include Abubakar Gumi snr, the Grand Khadi of defunct Northern Nigeria, Prof/Sheik Pantami, a Minister in Buhari’s government, to mention but a few. Others who subscribe to harmless aspects of modernisation and use the religion to promote same, include individuals like Professors/Sheikhs, Rijiyar Lemo, Mansur Sokoto, and Jabir Mai Hula. These gentlemen are lecturers in conventional universities. Yet there was Sheikh Ja’s afar, a gifted intellectual who preached balance between Islam and western education.

Then came the extremist branch of the Sunni-Salafi; the Jihadist. They come in with various names and platforms such as al-Qaida, Taliban, Al’shabab, ISWAP, Ansar, Mahmuda, Lakurawa, Abu Sayab, Jama’a Islamiyy, etc. They are united by one vision; a Shari’a State anywhere Muslims are in majority. To them, democracy is an aberration. Muhammad Yusuf and his co-travellers in the Boko Haram are the promoters of this visiona; a vision they are prepared to enforce at all cost, including violence. As Sunni-Salafi Jihadist movements, they arguably rely on aspects of ibn Taymiyya’s works from where they continue to draw inspiration. The demolished centre/mosque of the Sect in Maiduguri was actually named after the great Sunni cleric ibn Taymiyya as a mark of honour and reverence.

Insulating The Next Generation,Young

From the above rundown on the Jihadist movement, it is evident that the combined number of subscribers to their brand of Islam is very negligible . Unfortunately, they seem to define Islam with its over 2 billion faithfuls, just behind Christianity, which has 2.5 billion followers. The fact that Jihadists communicate with violence, make them grab the headlines faster. A case of “the head that bleeds gets the headlines or better still if it bleeds, it leads.” Maybe it’s with this in mind that insurgents android made carnage and disregard for the sanctity of life wrapped up in religion, as their stock in trade. Notwithstanding, the fact that the Holy Qur’an is against such a practice, where it unequivocally says in Surah Al-Ma’idah (5:32) that “whoever kills a soul, unless for a soul or for corruption in the land, it is as if he had slain mankind entirely.” Insurgents care less about such divine injunctions.

To keep them at bay, two-pronged approaches should be adopted. The here and now is to degrade them while putting in place holistic educational systems that can equip and insulate future generations from being vulnerable to religious extremism. Governments in Muslim majority states should start growing the next generation of Gumi, Pantami, Maqari, Dahiru Bauchi, Sanusi Lamiɗo Sanusi, Rijiyar Lemo, Aliyu, Umar, Mansur, Adam Al-Ilori, Alfa Oranaike, Ja’afar, etc now. This shall, however, call for paradigm shift away from bogus projects to the development of quality education and innovation with a view to evolving a humane and just society.

General Irabor rtd, CFR, and former CDS, has cast the first stone or better still a “projectile” with his seminal book, “Scars.” It’s left for governments at all levels working together with major stakeholders in the society to increase the “propulsion and range” by redoubling efforts in rolling back the Boko Haram and indeed any other form of terrororist acts. The immediate task before the army is to degrade them, while governments at all levels reform and prime the educational system to secure society in the future.

In the short run, the rule of law should be decisively exercised to check the mind-boggling corruption in the system – a national scourge that partly fuels inequality and deprivation in the society. The government, along with relevant stakeholders, should also act in a similar vein to check the excesses of charlatans that hide under religion to spew hatred and sow discord among the people.

It’s only in Nigeria and maybe parts of the sub saharan region that individuals are free to erect a place of worship, equip same with public address system and commence preaching or start conducting religious classes without the necessary pre-qualification by relevant body of experts/councils. Society can never be stable and reforms sustainable in an environment of lawlessness. Law and order should be brought to bear effectively on the affairs of society, especially a traumatised one like Nigeria. The appreciation of this challenge should, however, be backed with a robust social safety net that works, including easy access to both secular and less divisive forms of religious education/knowledge. These have the potential to make society less vulnerable and also insulate the young from religious extremism.

History indicates that outside the Middle East, Christianity received traction across the world through education (chalk, blackboard, books, the Bible) and not through the Crusaders or Knights Templar on horseback So is mainstream Islam. A well-rounded educational system can be the silver bullet. Through the instrumentality of education, religious harmony has made enormous contributions in leveraging development in such Muslim majority nations like Indonesia, Malaysia, the UAE, Turkey, etc. Insurgency shouldn’t be allowed to do the opposite in Nigeria. It should be denied a permanent foothold.

Nigerians have suffered enough from the vagaries of terrorism that has lasted for about one and a half decades. The nasty experiences shouldn’t become a way of life. However, getting out of the cuagmire would entail looking deeper into the ideological roots of the phenomenon of faith-based insurgency. Therefore, the search for solutions should be more encompassing and deep rooted, beyond the obvious symptoms and enablers.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

Opinion

OPEN LETTER TO HIS EMINENCE, THE SULTAN OF SOKOTO

Published

2 weeks ago

August 16, 2026

Our Reporter

NIGERIA BELONGS TO ALL OF US

I have written this open letter to His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III, CFR, mni, Sultan of Sokoto and President-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, with profound respect for his office and for the historic institution he represents.

This is not an attack on Islam, neither an attack on Christianity.

Also, It is not an attempt to diminish the historical importance of the Sultanate, rather, it is a sincere contribution to a conversation I believe Nigeria must have with greater honesty, courage and intellectual maturity:

What does equal citizenship mean in Nigeria?

Our country has a complex history involving kingdoms, caliphates, indigenous political systems, colonialism, amalgamation, independence, religion, ethnicity and competing political traditions.

But after all that history, one question remains fundamental:

Who does Nigeria belong to? My answer is simple:

Nigeria belongs to all Nigerians.

I am publishing this letter openly because I believe conversations of this magnitude should not be confined to private rooms.

I hope it reaches His Eminence.

More importantly, I hope it reaches Nigerians—Muslims and Christians alike—who believe that our future must be built on equal citizenship, mutual respect, constitutional democracy and a shared sense of belonging.

I invite people to read this letter in that spirit.

Not as a provocation or as a religious argument. But as an invitation to think.

AN OPEN LETTER TO HIS EMINENCE, ALHAJI MUHAMMAD SA’AD ABUBAKAR III, CFR, mni

SULTAN OF SOKOTO AND PRESIDENT-GENERAL, NIGERIAN SUPREME COUNCIL FOR ISLAMIC AFFAIRS

Your Eminence,

OUR HISTORY MUST BE REMEMBERED HONESTLY—BUT IT MUST NOT BECOME A CLAIM ON THE FUTURE

Nigeria’s history contains great Muslim civilisations and political institutions.

Kanem-Bornu, the Hausa states and the Sokoto Caliphate represent important chapters in the history of the territories that eventually became Nigeria.

The Sokoto Caliphate, in particular, became one of the most influential Islamic political formations in West Africa.

That history deserves recognition and respect.

But history presents us with an important question:

Does historical political authority confer permanent political ownership?

I believe the answer must be no.

The British colonial conquest and occupation of the territories that now constitute Nigeria occurred over decades, with the conquest of the Sokoto Caliphate culminating in 1903. The Northern and Southern Protectorates were subsequently amalgamated in 1914, and Nigeria achieved independence in 1960.

Whatever political arrangements existed before colonial consolidation, the Nigeria that emerged as a modern sovereign state ultimately became a constitutional republic in which citizenship could not legitimately be based upon the political history of one religion, ethnic group, kingdom or region.

Nigeria became something larger than all of those histories.

It became a country.
And that country belongs equally to the Muslim, the Christian, the adherent of another faith, and the citizen who professes no religion.

Your Eminence, Nigeria’s Constitution does not establish either Islam or Christianity as the religion of the Nigerian state.

Section 10 provides that:

“The Government of the Federation or of a State shall not adopt any religion as State Religion.”

Section 38 protects freedom of thought, conscience and religion.

Section 42 further provides constitutional protection against discrimination on the basis of religion, among other grounds.

These provisions are not merely legal technicalities. They represent an important national compact.

They establish principles of religious neutrality, religious freedom and equal citizenship.

They tell every Nigerian that his or her fundamental rights cannot legitimately depend upon belonging to the “right” religion.

That principle protects Muslims from Christian majoritarianism just as it protects Christians from Muslim majoritarianism.

And therefore, defending constitutional religious neutrality is not an attack on Islam neither an attack on Christianity.
It is protection for both.

THE DIFFICULT QUESTION OF POLITICAL SYMBOLISM

Your Eminence, this is where I believe our national conversation requires greater intellectual honesty.

A political arrangement can have two realities simultaneously:
its strategic reality and its symbolic reality.

Strategically, politicians may see a particular political ticket as an effective coalition, an electoral calculation, a mechanism for consolidating support or a means of improving political cohesion.

But citizens may interpret exactly the same arrangement symbolically.

They may ask:
Who is represented?
Who is included?
Who is excluded?
What does this say about the distribution of power?
What does this mean for people like me?

This distinction became particularly visible in Nigeria’s debate over the Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket.

Some citizens saw strategy while others saw symbolism.
Some saw political competence, Others saw the possibility of religious exclusion.
Both reactions can exist simultaneously.

A mature democracy must therefore be capable of understanding not only what a political arrangement is, but also what people believe that arrangement means.

This is not an argument against Muslims occupying political office nor should it be an argument against Christians occupying political office.

It is an argument for understanding the enormous responsibility that comes with political symbolism in a deeply religious society.

Political leaders must therefore understand that electoral strategy does not exist in a vacuum. Every political decision is interpreted through the lived experiences, fears, hopes and historical memories of the citizens who encounter it.

That is why responsible leadership requires both strategic intelligence and sensitivity to political meaning.

The Muslim citizen must not feel like a tolerated Nigerian, neither should the Christian.

This is perhaps the most important principle I wish to communicate.

A Christian should never have to feel that his citizenship is conditional upon political accommodation by Muslims. A Muslim should never have to feel that his citizenship is conditional upon political accommodation by Christians.

Neither should have to prove that his loyalty to Nigeria is greater than his loyalty to his faith.

Both should be able to say:

“Nigeria is my country, and nobody needs to give me permission to belong here.”

That is the Nigeria we should be building.

Your Eminence, traditional and religious leaders occupy a unique position in Nigerian society.

Political leaders come and go.
Governments change.
Political parties rise and fall.
But institutions such as the Sultanate carry historical memory.
That gives your words a different weight.

When a politician speaks about religion, Nigerians may suspect political calculation but when a respected religious leader speaks about coexistence, citizenship and national unity, the message can carry a moral authority that politics often cannot achieve.

This is why I believe the Sultanate has an extraordinary opportunity.

Not merely to speak for Muslims, But to speak to Nigeria.
To say clearly that the greatness of Islam in Nigeria does not require the political diminishment of Christianity. And equally, that the flourishing of Christianity in Nigeria does not require the political diminishment of Islam.

The strength of one faith should not require the weakness of another.

The security of one community should not depend upon the insecurity of another.

And the political advancement of one Nigerian should never require the political humiliation of another Nigerian simply because of religion.

WE SHOULD MOVE BEYOND THE COMPETITION FOR RELIGIOUS OWNERSHIP OF NIGERIA

There is a dangerous psychological temptation in deeply divided societies.

Each community begins to measure its security by the amount of power the other community possesses.

Then politics becomes a permanent struggle for religious arithmetic.

Who has the President?
Who has the Vice President?
Who controls the security institutions?
Who appoints judges?
Who controls the legislature?
Who controls the governors?
Who controls the economy?
And eventually, citizens stop asking the most important question:
Does the country work for everyone?

That is where we must break the cycle.

Nigeria cannot become great by producing a permanent contest between Muslim political power and Christian political power.

It can become great when both communities begin demanding something larger:

competent political power exercised for the common good.

The ultimate measure of political leadership should not be the religion of the person holding office.

It should be the quality of governance, the protection of citizens, the fairness of institutions, the security of communities and the opportunity available to every Nigerian.

PERHAPS OUR GREATEST NATIONAL TEST IS NOT RELIGIOUS DOMINANCE—BUT MUTUAL TRUST

Your Eminence, I believe Nigeria’s deepest problem is not simply that Muslims distrust Christians or Christians distrust Muslims.

It is that decades of political competition, violence, injustice, insecurity, corruption and unequal experiences of citizenship have created an enormous deficit of trust.

Religious suspicion is often the language through which that distrust expresses itself.

Therefore, if we want to defeat religious tension, we must do more than preach tolerance.

We must build institutions that make tolerance unnecessary as a condition of citizenship.

A Nigerian should not need to be tolerated.
He should simply be equal.
A Christian should not need a Muslim’s permission to belong.
A Muslim should not need a Christian’s permission to belong.

Our common citizenship should be the foundation upon which our religious differences are accommodated—not the other way around.

Your Eminence, I respectfully propose that Nigeria’s most respected Muslim and Christian leaders begin a different kind of conversation.

Not another conference where speeches are made and photographs taken.

But a serious national dialogue around five questions:

What does equal citizenship actually mean in Nigeria?
How should religious diversity influence political representation without becoming a mechanism for religious entitlement?
How do we distinguish legitimate political strategy from symbolism that creates unnecessary fear or exclusion?
How can traditional and religious institutions help rebuild trust between communities?
What constitutional, institutional and political reforms are necessary to ensure that no Nigerian believes the country belongs more to another citizen than to himself?

These are difficult questions. But perhaps Nigeria has spent too many decades avoiding difficult questions because they are uncomfortable. And perhaps the price of that avoidance is becoming too high.

Your Eminence, history gives leaders a choice.
Every generation inherits history. But every generation also decides what to do with it.
We can use history as a weapon or wisdom

We can teach our children that Nigeria is a battlefield between religious communities.
Or we can teach them that Muslims and Christians inherited a complicated country together and have the responsibility to make it work together.

We can continue competing over who has the greater historical claim.

Or we can build a country where historical claims do not determine the value of a citizen.

I respectfully believe the latter is worthy of the office you occupy.

The greatest legacy of a historical institution is not merely that it preserves the memory of what once was.

It is that it helps a nation decide what it can become.

My final appeal Your Eminence, I do not ask you to abandon Islam.

I ask you to help Nigerians understand that Islam does not need Nigeria to belong exclusively to Muslims for Muslims to belong completely to Nigeria.

And I would say the same to Christian leaders:

Christianity does not need Nigeria to belong exclusively to Christians for Christians to belong completely to Nigeria.

The future must therefore be bigger than both arguments.

Nigeria must belong to Nigerians.

Not to Muslims.

Not to Christians.

Not to Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Tiv, Fulani, Igala, Idoma, Nupe, or any other ethnic nationality.

Not to the North.

Not to the South.

Not to one historical institution.

To all of us.

That, in my humble view, is the foundation upon which a truly united Nigeria can eventually be built.

I respectfully submit this thought to Your Eminence—not as an accusation, but as an invitation to a deeper national conversation.

May our religious differences become a source of moral strength rather than political division.

May our history become a source of wisdom rather than entitlement.

May our political differences never become a justification for denying one another’s citizenship.

And may the Nigeria we leave our children be a country in which neither Muslim nor Christian ever has to ask:

“Does this country belong to me?”
Because the answer should always be:

“Yes. It is your country too.”

With profound respect,

Dr. Mike Achadu
A Nigerian Citizen

Opinion

OF GOVERNANCE AND THE ZULUMFICATION OF GOVERNANCE IN BORNO: RANDOM MUSSINGS ON GOV. ZULUM’S 3RD YEAR 2ND STANZA.

Published

3 months ago

May 30, 2026

milcah

By: Inuwa Bwala. inuwabwala3@gmail.com

By the time I put down my pen, the media space would have been awash with narratives about the achievements of Mr President and governors, as a mark of celeberation of their third year in office.
I will not bother chronicling what will be told of their achievements, rather I want to look into the curious magic wand that made my own governor to stand differently tall.
One will not find the definition of title coinage for this piece in any conventional English lexicon, but no Nigerian will claim ignorance of what it signifies in our present governance discourse.
Many words have today been personified after certain people, who popularize an idiosyncritic mannerism.
And so, in Borno’s 15-year war against insurgency, Governor Babagana Umara Zulum seem to have chosen an unconventional playbook: governance style, reminisceint of an emergency doctor, not a distant administrator, which led to above coinage.
Three idiosyncrasies define his second term in particular, and the gains are showing on the ground to the effect that, these idiosyncracies gave rise to the coinage: Zulumfication.

Zulum’s trademark has been his unannounced visits; 2am checks on General Hospitals, surprise trips to IDP camps in Monguno, Baga, Damboa and others. Sudden stops on bad roads in Gwoza and unsheduled night overs in dangerous localities, as his routine.
He inspects projects with torchlight and asks hard questions: sometimes sacking absentee staff on the spot.
And the gains have added speed and discipline to government Contracts and civil servants.
They promptly deliver, knowing Zulum could appear any day any time.
This obviously explains how, 238 projects got completed in year one of his second term and 1,195 projects in five years. That urgency earned Governor Babagana Umara Zulum the Nigeria Union of Journalist’s Good Governance Award on Education in 2023.
And while Borno spent about N100bn on security in 2025, Zulum kept prioritizing people, with N727m going to 28,801 tertiary students. N1.5bn covered nursing students’ fees, besides the cash support reacheming 343,293 women.
His logic, has been that, “Education is the real antidote for insurgency. The payoff is human recovery.
Records indicate that, over 1,000 teachers were recruited, 150+ schools rebuilt, and the 104 Mega School Initiative launched. And so, when President Tinubu commissioned three mega schools in Maiduguri in 2026, he called them “tangible evidence of effective governance.” Kids who once hawked on Maiduguri streets are back in class because opportunity replaced despair.

Again, Zulum is known to have zero tolerance for waste. He has queried commissioners live on TV, sacked ghost workers, and confronted contractors who abandoned sites. It nay be uncomfortable in politics, but it works. Borno scored 89.7/100 on the 2025 Governance Accountability & Transparency Index, up from 86.3 in 2024, ranking among Nigeria’s top 10. Ministries now expect scrutiny, and leakages have shrunk.

Zulum blends this with reconstruction plus reconciliation. While 20,000+ resettlement homes house over 1 million returned IDPs, his “Borno Model” has convinced 200,000+ fighters and families to surrender and got reintegrated. Markets in Bama, Dikwa and Gwoza are reopening. Roads are being rebuilt, though insecurity still stalls some projects in southern Borno.

He remains low-profiled but with very high-output, avoiding political noise and letting the work speak. The Muslim News Nigeria honored him with its 2025 Transformational Leadership Award for “courage, accountability, compassion.”

Perfection is not claimed. Pockets of violence persist, and security costs strain finances, but Zulum’s style proves a point
In a crisis situation, presence builds trust, empathy rebuilds people, and accountability restores institutions. Borno is moving from “state of emergency” to “state of reconstruction” — one unannounced visit produces uncommon results.
Thiese in my opinion are amingst the exceptional things governor Babagana Umara has done, which have given rise to his national acclaim as an outstanding performer.

Opinion

Aondoakaa, a Leader Who Opens Doors: My Personal Story of Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN

Published

3 months ago

May 22, 2026

milcah

By Iorwuese Tyopev, PhD

Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, is, in my experience, a transformational leader, and I can personally testify to this from years of direct engagement with him.

Although I initially knew him only casually as an elder brother from Ushongo, our relationship deepened when I approached him to patronise the business I managed as a hotel manager in Abuja. From that point, Siman Suites in Garki became his preferred accommodation whenever he was in the Federal Capital Territory.

Each time he was travelling to Abuja, his usual call would come: “Tyopev, my brother, please keep a room for me, I’m on my way.”

A defining moment in 2006

One of the most memorable moments in our relationship came in 2006 when he was conferred with the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). For his swearing-in ceremony at the Supreme Court, he booked almost the entire hotel for family, friends, and well-wishers who travelled from far and near to celebrate with him.

Beyond the business value, his consistent patronage strengthened my professional standing at the time and positively influenced my performance evaluation at work.

Continued relationship in public service

Our relationship continued after his appointment as Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice in July 2007 under the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

Coincidentally, around the same period, my late boss, Senator J.I. Akaagerger, was elected into office and invited me to serve as his Senior Legislative Aide at the National Assembly. Chief Aondoakaa also expressed interest in bringing me into the Ministry of Justice as an aide. Although I chose to remain with my principal at the National Assembly, he respected my decision and maintained a cordial, brotherly relationship with me.

Prison decongestion intervention

Shortly after assuming office as Minister, he launched a prison decongestion initiative. In September 2007, I submitted an application requesting allocation of prison decongestion cases. He immediately asked whether I had legal representation, and upon confirmation, he promptly assigned several cases to me.

That support continued throughout his tenure until 2010.

Career support and mentorship

By mid-2008, I expressed dissatisfaction with my role at the National Assembly. He advised patience and assured me of better opportunities.

True to his word, in January 2009, he informed me of an opportunity with Dr Paul Orhii, then Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), who agreed to engage me as Special Assistant.

Although I resumed duty, I was later informed—within 30 days—that my services were no longer required due to a change in preference. Chief Aondoakaa was abroad at the time, but upon his return, he reassured me, saying: “Don’t worry, another opportunity will come.”

New opportunity at NAPTIP

Shortly after, I was invited to his residence in Apo, where I met Barr. Simon Chuzi Egede, MON, who had just been appointed Executive Secretary of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP).

There, I was informed that I would serve as Special Assistant to the new Executive Secretary.

In a remarkable turn of events, I received my appointment letter the next day as Special Assistant at Grade Level 16 Step 5, along with an official vehicle and chauffeur. I was also integrated into top management committees and exposed to both national and international engagements.

End of an era and lasting gratitude

Following the death of President Yar’Adua in 2010 and subsequent political changes, Chief Aondoakaa left office as Minister, which also affected my position at NAPTIP due to its political nature.

Looking back, I remain deeply grateful to Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, for his loyalty, mentorship, and willingness to uplift others.

Some leaders inspire with words; others transform lives through action. Chief Aondoakaa, in my experience, belongs firmly to the latter category.

NB: This is Part 1 of a series of reflections on my personal experience with MKA, highlighting his mentorship and support to those around him, shared in anticipation of his birthday on June 12.