By: A G Abubakar

The book, Scars: Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum, written by General Leo Irabor, rtd, was launched recently. The occasion was graced by a galaxy of who is who is in Nigeria’s contemporary leadership. The General pulled it off by having two former heads of state in attendance: Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan. The serving one Bola Tinubu was represented by his Minister of Defence, Badaru. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who wrote the book’s Forward, was also the Chairman of the occasion.

The clergy wasn’t left out. The author was able to bring His Eminence, the Sultan of Sokoto, and His Royal Highness, the Etsu Nupe, to the occasion, too. The Catholic Bishop of Sokoto, Mathew Hassan Kukah, the book reviewer, was a strategic compliment to the royal fathers; a conclave of the secular and the spiritual

A former National Security Adviser, General B.M.Monguno, was tasked with the keynote remarks, tilted ” Reflections on National Security,” with messages from the Chief of Defence Staff, CDS, the National Security Adviser (NSA), and a host of other serving and retired security-related stakeholders. Why give this roll call? The answer is, since the subject matter of the book was security and how it has become elusive over the last one and a half decades, there is no better dramatis personae than the collection at the book launch. One would expect that at the end of the occasion, a glimpse of the roadmap for solutions would have been more discernible. A holy grail would have been discovered, so to say! And, this optimism could not be a misplaced one either. Yours faithfully, was privileged to be part of the occasion on account of the author’s personal invitation.

Under Their Command And Watch

Obasanjo was at the helm of the nation’s affairs twice. One as a military head of state in the late 70s. His second coming was in agbada/farar hula (civilian) in 1999. The Boko Haram (Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li Al-Da’wa wal Jihad) struck about the same time in Kanamma the headquarters of Yunusari LGA, of Yobe Yobe, in the year 2000. He was there until 2007 when ‘Yar Adua took over and susequently Goodluck Jonathan, who took over in 2009, after the death of his boss. He had his baptism of fire by Boko Haram in 2014, following the abduction of over 250 secondary school girls in Chibok town, a local government area in Borno State.

President Buhari rode on the back of the insecurity, among others, to win power but could only do much in 2015. The trend of abductions continued with Buni Yadi students and Dapchi girls. The Boko Haram became more sophisticated and more potent. Its mutant outfit Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP), became more formidable. The duo, though mutually antagonistic to each other due to differences on ideological inclination, were able to expand their operations beyond the North East region of Nigeria by the year 2020. They were able to establish cells in both the Central and North Western zones, where they worked in alliance with other insurgency groups like the Ansar, Lakurawa, Mahmuda etc in such states as Niger, Kaduna, Kogi, Kebbi and lately Kwara.

General Monguno, who was the NSA throughout Buhari’s eight years, is a “son of the soil” (indigene) of Borno State, where Boko Haram insurgency started. The author, whose recollection and assessment of the crisis via the book that was launched, served as President Muhammadu Buhari’s (PMB)Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). He worked closely with the National Security Adviser (NSA), Monguno. Ordinarily, there was no single group in Nigeria’s history that should have a greater depth of the nation’s problems than those present at the book launch.

The author tried very much in dissecting the raisons d’etre of Boko Haram and its modus operandi. He also proffered workable solutions based on his field and personal experience. But that’s where the discourse stopped. One by one, the men that are being looked up to for clearer vision came across as almost banal. Though the occasion may not be appropriate for war room ideas, the ideological interrogation of the historical manifestation of the Boko Haram insurgency or any other could hqve bene of great help.

Still Dwelling On The Usual Suspects

The recognition and appreciation of this fact could go a long way in finding a sustainable solution to the ugly phenomenon. Unfortunately, most eminent speakers dwelled on the usual suspects; poverty, politics, porous borders, and ignorance. As relevant as these factors are, they remain as symptoms and not causes. They are enablers that can reduce the foothold of insurgency but not keep it at bay sustainably. Islamic insurgency is an ideological movement with a long history, which should be of essence when it comes searching for solutions. Wisdom says that “it is easier to fight an invasion army more successfully than that of a belief system.”

Obasanjo spoke of “better life” for the youth. Kukah dwelled on ethno-religious schism, the nation’s challenged security architecture and the likes. The Sultan, as retired General of the Nigerian army tried to distance the Muslim ummah (faithfuls) from the insurgency, including the wrong notion being widely held regarding the Islamic context of Jihad. According to him, Jihad generally means “to strive” to “struggle” for good, in both personal and social realms. Monguno took his listeners down the lane of Nigeria’s history and security challenges since independence in 1960 and blamed some of the crises on attitudes and bad governance.

Jonathan, in his brief remarks, saw the Boko Haram phenomenon from the political prism, even though he recognised the millions of out-of-school kids as part of the enablers. That’s why his Administration introduced the Al’majiri school that couldn’t get traction after he left office. In the final analysis was the collective call on all sundry to turn a new leaf also for the governments to be guided by justice. Unfortunately, these elements are not given. They are usually cultivated, especially by leadership. But here we were, before three or more generations of political leadership, which people looked up to for solutions, ironically pontificating on “change” and “justice.”

The takeaways from the esteemed interventions are two-fold. One, leadership in Nigeria is yet to contextualise the phenomenon of religious insurgency and easily gets preoccupied by fighting the symptoms basically. Secondly, and drawing from the first drawback, the successive governments seemed “trapped” when it comes to appropriating appropriate strategies for dealing with the historical phenomenon of faith-based insurgency.

Governments can build all the schools, improve the people’s well-being, create job opportunities that are needed, but they may still go only as far, with insurgents. Such interventions needed to be taken in tandem with encouraging a shift in the acquisition of religious knowledge, from the extremist perspective to the mainstream. This should be done right from the primary school level, with a view of producing der-adicalised future generations. By necessity, therefore, the content of learning and the needed power (quantity and quality) should be developed, especially across the Muslim majority states.

The learning system should be able to expose learners to the evolution of sects and sectarianism in Islam. To interrogate the various experiences and their implications for individuals and society. Nations that were able to do so have become less prone to insurgencies that could pose existential threats. Such countries include Malaysia, Indonesia, Morocco, Turkey, Kazakhstan, UAE etc.They succeeded partly because they were able to come to navigate the nuanced complexity of Islamic and modern day political systems as relates to both the adherents and other non Muslims in a given setting.

Shari’a Is Islamic But Not The Violence

The challenge in the search for a faith-based political system in Islam dates back to few decades after the death of the Prophet of Islam, Muhammad in the year 632 AD. The choice of a successor after the first three, gave rise to what has come to be known as Shi’a sect, now dominant in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen and few others. They have over a dozen sub-sects. Shia’a vests political leadership in a supreme/spiritual leader, the Imam, and the system is thus generally referred to as, Imamate. The Imams are believed to be descendants of the Prophet of Islam, allegedly.

The Sunni went on to device a political system that was based on Islam’s Holy Book, the Qur’an and the Hadith (sayings and way of life) of the Prophet. The prominent clerics in this endeavour included Al’Mawardi (972-1058), Al’Ghazali (1058-1111), Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328), Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), among others. Their works among other developments at the time gave rise to two branches of the Sunni – those hanging onto the ideals and ideas of the forerunners who shared the prophetic era and those that were philosophically inclined. The former is today referred to as Sunni-Salafi, and the latter known as the Sufi. Both groups have subgroups.

The Sufi Sunni, loosely called Ɗariƙa, has such sub sects as the Tijjaniyah, Ahmadiyah, Qadriyyah etc, so named after their spiritual founders or prominent leaders. The Sufi are generally more laid back and accommodating.

The Jihadists In The Midst

The Sunni-Salafi may be divided into three or more formations, largely driven by the works of Ibn Taymiyyah, an theocratic purist of the first order. The Sheik is alleged to never believe in a secular leadership system. He believes that the Muslim world should be ruled by Muslims using the Shari’a law. His strong aversion of external sources of law outside Islam was rooted in the tyrannical era of the Mongols (Mouguls) who ruled his part of the world that time. It seems he used the pulpit in energising his compatriots against the “invaders.” A liberation theology of sorts.

Ibn Taymiyya influenced later Islamic clerics like the Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahab (1703-1792) of Saudi Arabia, who is still being revered as the father of Wahabism (theocratism). He in turn influenced the late Grand Muftis of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, such as Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz (1910-1999), Muhammad ibn Uthaymeen and many others. In Egypt, Hassan al Banna, and Sayyid Qutb used the Wahabism philosophy to found the Muslim Brotherhood (1928) to fight against British colonial rule and the subsequent constitutional administrations in Egypt.

Within the ranks of the Salafi movement there are moderates, modernists, and the firebrand (jihadist). They all draw inspirations from Ibn Taymiyya, Wahabism and the Muslim Brotherhood in varying degrees and appreciation. Ibn Taymiyyah’s notable works included Al-Siyasah al-Shar’iyyah and Al-Hisbah fi al-Islam. The former is a touchstone in Islamic governance, principles and rules for Shari’a-based state) while the latter deals with the role of the state in promoting good and forbidding evil.

Many Sunni-Salafi in Nigeria have participated in government. They include Abubakar Gumi snr, the Grand Khadi of defunct Northern Nigeria, Prof/Sheik Pantami, a Minister in Buhari’s government, to mention but a few. Others who subscribe to harmless aspects of modernisation and use the religion to promote same, include individuals like Professors/Sheikhs, Rijiyar Lemo, Mansur Sokoto, and Jabir Mai Hula. These gentlemen are lecturers in conventional universities. Yet there was Sheikh Ja’s afar, a gifted intellectual who preached balance between Islam and western education.

Then came the extremist branch of the Sunni-Salafi; the Jihadist. They come in with various names and platforms such as al-Qaida, Taliban, Al’shabab, ISWAP, Ansar, Mahmuda, Lakurawa, Abu Sayab, Jama’a Islamiyy, etc. They are united by one vision; a Shari’a State anywhere Muslims are in majority. To them, democracy is an aberration. Muhammad Yusuf and his co-travellers in the Boko Haram are the promoters of this visiona; a vision they are prepared to enforce at all cost, including violence. As Sunni-Salafi Jihadist movements, they arguably rely on aspects of ibn Taymiyya’s works from where they continue to draw inspiration. The demolished centre/mosque of the Sect in Maiduguri was actually named after the great Sunni cleric ibn Taymiyya as a mark of honour and reverence.

Insulating The Next Generation,Young

From the above rundown on the Jihadist movement, it is evident that the combined number of subscribers to their brand of Islam is very negligible . Unfortunately, they seem to define Islam with its over 2 billion faithfuls, just behind Christianity, which has 2.5 billion followers. The fact that Jihadists communicate with violence, make them grab the headlines faster. A case of “the head that bleeds gets the headlines or better still if it bleeds, it leads.” Maybe it’s with this in mind that insurgents android made carnage and disregard for the sanctity of life wrapped up in religion, as their stock in trade. Notwithstanding, the fact that the Holy Qur’an is against such a practice, where it unequivocally says in Surah Al-Ma’idah (5:32) that “whoever kills a soul, unless for a soul or for corruption in the land, it is as if he had slain mankind entirely.” Insurgents care less about such divine injunctions.

To keep them at bay, two-pronged approaches should be adopted. The here and now is to degrade them while putting in place holistic educational systems that can equip and insulate future generations from being vulnerable to religious extremism. Governments in Muslim majority states should start growing the next generation of Gumi, Pantami, Maqari, Dahiru Bauchi, Sanusi Lamiɗo Sanusi, Rijiyar Lemo, Aliyu, Umar, Mansur, Adam Al-Ilori, Alfa Oranaike, Ja’afar, etc now. This shall, however, call for paradigm shift away from bogus projects to the development of quality education and innovation with a view to evolving a humane and just society.

General Irabor rtd, CFR, and former CDS, has cast the first stone or better still a “projectile” with his seminal book, “Scars.” It’s left for governments at all levels working together with major stakeholders in the society to increase the “propulsion and range” by redoubling efforts in rolling back the Boko Haram and indeed any other form of terrororist acts. The immediate task before the army is to degrade them, while governments at all levels reform and prime the educational system to secure society in the future.

In the short run, the rule of law should be decisively exercised to check the mind-boggling corruption in the system – a national scourge that partly fuels inequality and deprivation in the society. The government, along with relevant stakeholders, should also act in a similar vein to check the excesses of charlatans that hide under religion to spew hatred and sow discord among the people.

It’s only in Nigeria and maybe parts of the sub saharan region that individuals are free to erect a place of worship, equip same with public address system and commence preaching or start conducting religious classes without the necessary pre-qualification by relevant body of experts/councils. Society can never be stable and reforms sustainable in an environment of lawlessness. Law and order should be brought to bear effectively on the affairs of society, especially a traumatised one like Nigeria. The appreciation of this challenge should, however, be backed with a robust social safety net that works, including easy access to both secular and less divisive forms of religious education/knowledge. These have the potential to make society less vulnerable and also insulate the young from religious extremism.

History indicates that outside the Middle East, Christianity received traction across the world through education (chalk, blackboard, books, the Bible) and not through the Crusaders or Knights Templar on horseback So is mainstream Islam. A well-rounded educational system can be the silver bullet. Through the instrumentality of education, religious harmony has made enormous contributions in leveraging development in such Muslim majority nations like Indonesia, Malaysia, the UAE, Turkey, etc. Insurgency shouldn’t be allowed to do the opposite in Nigeria. It should be denied a permanent foothold.

Nigerians have suffered enough from the vagaries of terrorism that has lasted for about one and a half decades. The nasty experiences shouldn’t become a way of life. However, getting out of the cuagmire would entail looking deeper into the ideological roots of the phenomenon of faith-based insurgency. Therefore, the search for solutions should be more encompassing and deep rooted, beyond the obvious symptoms and enablers.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com