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Makarfi PDP faction as the real terror group

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By: Richard Murphy
It takes morbid callousness or an unrivalled level of ignorance or a combination of both to attempt the stunt by a faction of the troubled People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in its reaction to the release of 82 of the abducted Chibok girls.
 A statement credited to the spokesperson for the Ahmed Makarfi PDP faction, Dayo Adeyeye, apparently has issues with the swapping of the some Boko Haram prisoners for the girls.
Assessed on the template of beer parlour debate, the PDP faction has some points going for it. It contended that it is against the international principle of never negotiating with terrorists, would embolden Boko Haram to extract more concessions from the Federal Government and would encourage the terrorists to carry out more abductions. It is also worried that the released prisoners would be back in terrorists camps to possibly stage more attacks or worse still they would be free to roam the streets and recruit more fighters. Added to these, the faction of PDP somehow developed the empathy to articulate how the release of these 82 girls would affect the families whose members are still in captivity.
These arguments however fall flat once taken away from the realm of drinking joints where the average right thinking person is able to humanly and humanely look at issues without the benefit of confounding fumes. The situation at hand requires the clearest of thinking to appreciate what has happened with the benefit of foresight and hindsight and not just responding out of reflex.
That is what is expected of all rational Nigerians at this moment as only such appreciation would have made the greatest critics of the Nigerian Federal Government to commend the release of the girls without bothering about the cost at which their freedom was secured.
 The Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) Group, which has been at the forefront of demanding action from the government on the girls’ release was ecstatic at the news that 82 girls have been freed. The group was elated six months ago when the first batch of 21 girls were released and judging from its reaction its appreciation was four-folds for the second batch of 82 girls.
Even the usually antagonistic Amnesty International (AI) which saw nothing good about the monumental efforts of our gallant troops to redeem the country from terrorists, had positive things to say about the release of the girls. Where the safety and freedom of the abducted girls is concerned, swapping ten terrorists in detention for one girl is justifiable as the country would have saved one person from a harsh fate by so doing. That said, the claim of this factional PDP must be addressed so that it does not continue to have the misplaced impression that it can ride on a wave of populism to worm its way back into public acceptance on the wrong premise.
Unfortunately, the PDP was trying to create unnecessary fear over  the tendency for terrorists’ to re-offend upon being freed, recidivism. The faction however failed to point out that terrorists that re-offend are most likely to get killed when they return to a life of crime. This is not counting the fact that those likely to succumb to recidivism  constitute a fraction of those that regain freedom. Re-offending is also not limited to terrorists, other criminals re-offend too. And now that the PDP has drawn our attention to it, another chance to this gang of politicians will see them re-offend by again looting the country and providing inept leadership.
Suddenly the PDP, which committed its years in power to creating the hydra-headed Boko Haram is now aware of international principles. It is now enlightened to the point of knowing that it is not globally acceptable to negotiate with terrorists.
The claim in this regard is ridiculous because it was the PDP, in the era of Alex Badeh as Chief of Defence Staff, that was busy declaring ceasefires each time it was supposed to strike a final blow against the terrorists. It was the PDP that employed the tired cliché of order from above to free the earliest Boko Haram suspects at a time when there were no civilian hostages to be freed. It was the PDP that paid huge amounts to terrorists for failed ceasefires only for Boko Haram to use the funds to procure sophisticated weapons. Someone must therefore tell the PDP that this swap is not the same as the charade that went on in their own time.
It is exceedingly naïve to tout the concept of not negotiating with terrorists without recognizing the trade-offs. Countries that do not negotiate with terrorists tend to exterminate the captives with their captors. The PDP wants the government to pulverize the abducted girls with the Boko Haram captors! The girls were taken under PDP’s watch and they never thought to murder them at that time but they now want another government to have the blood of the innocent on its hands.
These desperadoes must ask themselves probing questions and answer sincerely. They should ask if the APC government has not demonstrated that governance is about the people no matter how mad they chose to be in a democracy? How many Nigerians initially held hostage by the terrorists from the PDP era have been freed today? The latter question has to do with deliberate omission by the PDP in its statement to recognize that there are other hostages that do not have the Chibok Girls’ celebrity status, who have been freed through government intervention.
As for the families that will be traumatized seeing other girls returned when theirs are still in captivity, the PDP faction should have seen this as another opportunity at great reflection at the damage they inflicted, not just on the grieving families but on the entire nation. Their years of misrule and kleptocracy was the catalyst for the poverty that became the precursor for the growth of extremism and subsequently terrorism. The faction should visit these families and apologize for everything it failed to do while in power and the one it did wrong.
The factional PDP disagreement with negotiating to secure the release of the abducted girl is noted but should be taken with a pinch of salt. One must however wonder if this stance would be the case had the girls languishing in Boko Haram captivity were the children of those in that faction.  It is one thing to reject an option; in this case negotiating the girls’ freedom, it is another thing to come up with viable alternatives to what is being rejected.
Since negotiating or swapping Boko Haram prisoners is not acceptable, what other options is the PDP giving us? It has none. This is sad. Could the be so bereft of ideas to this extent?
By trying to blackmail the government to leave the Chibok Girls in Boko Haram’s camps the Makarfi PDP faction has proven it is desirous of continuing to terrorize Nigerians. It is the only incentive it could have for trying to keep the girls imprisoned. In the last part of its 16 years of misrule, the then President Goodluck Jonathan admitted that Boko Haram were part of his cabinet, which also means they are in his political party, the PDP. Now that the end game for the terror group is near, its political face is manifesting in the form of the Markafi PDP faction. It is the real terror group.
Murphy is a security expert and contributed this piece from
Cotbus, Germany.

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We’ve Known Each Other Since the 90s; I’m Qualified to Call Him a Scumbag – El-Rufai

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Fabian

Former Kaduna State Governor and former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, has weighed in on the Senate’s decision to reject the inclusion of real-time electronic transmission of election results in the proposed electoral reforms.

Speaking in an interview with Trust TV, El-Rufai was asked to react to reports that some members of his party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), including Peter Obi, staged a protest at the National Assembly on Monday over the issue. In his response, he stressed that electoral reforms must be approached transparently and without undue external influence.

El-Rufai expressed confidence that the Senate’s electoral committee would eventually recommend the reinstatement of the provision for real-time electronic transmission of results.

He noted that many senators are experienced public officials who have previously served as governors, ministers, and legislators, and are genuinely committed to strengthening Nigeria’s democracy. However, he argued that their efforts are being overshadowed by the actions of the Senate leadership, including Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

According to El-Rufai, the controversy should not be blamed on the Senate as an institution but on its leadership. He alleged that the presiding officer was acting under external pressure and not in line with the collective will of the majority of senators.

He further predicted that when the Senate reconvenes, lawmakers would be forced to unite, resist such pressure from the leadership, and ensure that the proposed reforms are not undermined.

In a strongly worded remark directed at Akpabio, El-Rufai said:
“I do not consider him distinguished. We have known each other since the 90s. He knows how far we’ve been through, and I think I am qualified to call him a scumbag—and he knows why.”

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Electronic Transmission: This Is Just a Warning Protest, We’ll Wait Till Tomorrow – Isaac Fayose

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Fabian Apechihin

Businessman and activist Isaac Fayose has described Monday’s protest at the National Assembly complex as only a warning, insisting that more action may follow depending on the outcome of lawmakers’ deliberations.

A cross-section of Nigerians on Monday morning converged on the National Assembly to demand that electronic transmission of election results be made compulsory in Nigeria’s electoral laws.

Although the Senate has issued several clarifications amid reports that it rejected electronic transmission of results, protesters maintained that lawmakers must go further by explicitly inserting the phrase “real-time electronic transmission” into the proposed legislation.

In response to the public outcry, the Senate announced on Sunday that it would hold an emergency plenary session on Tuesday to address the concerns.

Speaking to journalists during the protest, Fayose said the decision taken at the emergency sitting would determine whether the demonstrations would continue.

“We all know what happens in a collation room,” he said. “A collation room is where you soak garri with water at night and by morning it has swollen and turned into eba.

“For Nigerians to be satisfied, what we need is electronic transmission of results. They are already trying to deny it. Let’s wait till tomorrow. This protest is just a warning.”

Fayose also questioned the logic of abandoning electronic transmission after huge investments had been made.

“Something we spent close to a trillion naira to achieve, you now want to throw it away? That’s like taking our money and dumping it in the gutter. It cannot happen,” he added.

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US Judge Issues Final Ultimatum as FBI, DEA Delay Release of Tinubu Records

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Fabian Apechihin

A United States federal judge, Beryl A. Howell, has sharply criticised the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) over what she described as deliberate delays in releasing records related to Nigerian President Bola Tinubu.

The documents are being sought through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request filed in 2022 by transparency advocate Aaron Greenspan, with backing from investigative journalist David Hundeyin. The records are expected to provide details on a narcotics-related case from the early 1990s that led to Tinubu forfeiting $460,000 to the U.S. government—allegations he has consistently denied.

In a ruling delivered on February 3, Judge Howell of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia rebuked both agencies for repeatedly missing court-ordered deadlines, noting that the case has dragged on for more than three years without substantial progress.

She subsequently imposed new deadlines, warning that further delays would no longer be tolerated.

Greenspan, the founder of transparency platform Plainsite, filed the FOIA request in June 2022. In 2023, the FBI announced it would release approximately 2,500 pages of Tinubu-related records in monthly batches of 500 pages. However, the process stalled after Tinubu opposed the disclosure, requesting a delay pending the outcome of a Nigerian Supreme Court case challenging his election victory. He argued at the time that releasing the records would “adversely affect” him.

Although Judge Howell approved the temporary pause and Tinubu’s election was later upheld, the FBI and DEA continued to seek extensions, further slowing the release of records linked to longstanding allegations of involvement in cocaine trafficking.

Court filings show that the FBI was expected to submit an updated status report in May 2025, but delayed until January 2026, when it sought yet another extension to February—prompting sharp criticism from the court.

“Defendant FBI has produced no records, despite initially anticipating completion of searches by August 1, 2025,” Howell stated, adding that deadlines had been repeatedly shifted with “minimal explanation.”

She further noted that, like the DEA, the FBI had failed to provide a credible timeline for completing the processing and release of the requested documents.

Judge Howell also dismissed the DEA’s justification for withholding documents for more than six months under the guise of inter-agency consultations.

“Defendant DEA has produced some documents … but has repeated the same explanation for six months and four joint status reports concerning twelve remaining pages not yet released,” she said.

The court ordered the DEA to provide Greenspan with a Vaughn index detailing the legal basis for redacting 50 pages and withholding 172 pages of the records. The agency was also directed to submit sworn affidavits explaining, page by page, when the remaining documents were sent for consultation, expected review timelines, and steps taken to expedite the process.

Similarly, the FBI was ordered to file sworn statements accounting for its repeated failure to meet court deadlines and to begin releasing all non-exempt Tinubu-related records. The bureau was instructed to deliver an initial batch within two weeks of January 30, 2026, submit a detailed schedule for releasing the second batch of 500 pages by March 13, and complete full disclosure by June 1, 2026.

Judge Howell further ordered both agencies to file joint status reports every 14 days, starting February 27, until all responsive records have been processed and released.

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