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OPINION: BORNO 2027: LET THE TICKET MOVE SOUTH

Published

4 months ago

January 10, 2026

By: A G Abubakar

Democracy may well be the best form of political arrangement devised in modern history, yet it is far from a perfect system. It comes with inherent flaws, just as it offers the flexibility required for societies to function effectively. Democratic systems are ultimately guided more by their underlying values and philosophies than by rigid dogmas. Practitioners are therefore expected to adapt democratic principles to local realities. It is within this context that concepts such as zoning, rotation, and power-sharing have emerged as legitimate democratic tools to manage diversity and promote development. Democracy is not a mere game of numbers but a system designed to uphold inclusiveness at all levels.

Since the advent of the Fourth Republic, Nigeria has consciously re-engineered democratic practice to reflect its diversity and to address persistent concerns of equity, inclusion, and justice. Many sub-national entities—states, local governments, and even non-governmental organisations—have adopted this flexible approach to liberal democracy. After all, democracy exists for man, not man, for democracy. Even in advanced societies, democratic systems vary widely, ranging from parliamentary to presidential, unicameral to bicameral, and other hybrids. No society should be enslaved by rigid forms or doctrines. It is precisely this flexibility that has enabled minorities, immigrants, and historically marginalised groups to win elections in many parts of the world.

It is against this backdrop of workable and inclusive democracy that deliberate efforts should be made to zone the governorship of Borno State to the South in 2027, in the interest of equity and global democratic best practices. Any credible aspirant from the zone should be presented not as a deviation from tradition, but as a unity candidate—a symbol of balance in a state long perceived to be under the monopolistic grip of Borno North and Central senatorial districts. The Central zone has had a greater hold since the advent of the current Republic in 1999 to date. The lesson here is, if the leadership at the national level could be rotated between the North and South regions of the country, then it is only logical to shift power across the three senatorial zones in the states, in the name of equity.

Historically, the two zones have leveraged their comparatively larger voting strength to produce all civilian governors of the state. Under civilian rule, Borno State has been governed by Mohammed Goni (1979–1983), Asheik Jarma (1983), Maina Ma’aji Lawan (1992–1993), Mala Kachalla (1999–2003), Ali Modu Sheriff (2003–2011), Kashim Shettima (2011–2019), and Babagana Umara Zulum (2019–date). All, except Asheik Jarma—a Shuwa Arab—are of Kanuri extraction from either Borno North or Central. Attempts by prominent sons of Borno South, such as Muhammad Abba Gana, Ambassador Pindar, and Durkwa, were subtly resisted.

Unsurprisingly, this pattern has bred deep resentment among the people of Borno South, who believe—legitimately—that they deserve not just a chance, but the same level of political support they have consistently extended to others. The South is under no illusion about the realities of politics: power is not gifted; it is contested. Yet, political competition does not negate the place of equity. This is why arrangements such as zoning, balance, and “turn-by-turn” exist in party politics.

Democracy was never intended to be a zero-sum game, nor is equity a political crime. Inclusiveness, unity, and shared development remain its core objectives. A prosperous and united Borno is a collective gain for all its constituent parts, irrespective of ethnic, linguistic, or religious differences.

Any honest conversation on political equity must also confront certain hard realities. Relinquishing power is never easy—especially in a fragile democracy like Nigeria, where political office often implies unfettered access to public resources. The allure of patronage, dominance, and control remains a powerful deterrent to genuine power-sharing. The dominant groups are therefore ever ready to twist the meaning of democracy in a bid to maintain the status quo. In the process, they at times give the system a bad name.

Among dominant groups, particularly the Kanuri, fears—both real and imagined—persist about entrusting political destiny to others. These anxieties are amplified by the fact that much of the lower and middle manpower of the state originates from the South, which in turn influences recurrent expenditure patterns. Additionally, private artisanal and technical services—mechanics, craftsmen, and ICT professionals—are largely dominated by Southern Borno indigenes; though currently waning away.

While the Borno North and Central’s apprehensions are largely emotional, the democracy in the South has its fair share of surmountable challenges, too. They include organisational and resource constraints, less than desired political alliances across the state, and high sociocultural diversity. Somehow, the diversity has come to define part of the region’s strength. Be that as it may, the unequitable exclusion of the Zone from the state’s number one seat remains one of the disconcerting feelings the people have to contend with.

The prolonged confinement to secondary roles has also weakened the South’s political reach. The experience required to mount and sustain statewide campaigns—strategy, alliances, structure, and resources—remains limited. Notable aspirants such as Ambassador Saidu, Engineer Muhammad Abba Gana, Durkwa, Captain Kadafir Mshelia, and Paul Bassi of the UPN in the 80s, could only go so far. Without access to the patronage and material advantages of incumbency, their campaigns lacked the necessary political “fertiliser” to thrive statewide.

The time has come for political actors in the South to start doing the needful in earnest. Early bridge-building and alliance formation are essential and should as such be embarked upon now. Political spaces in Borno South — deputy governorships, senatorial seats, and other strategic positions—must also be democratised and equitably distributed and rotated across the various sections of the zone. For, what is good for the goose must also be good for the gander.

The North and Central Borno political elite, for once, must rise to the responsibility of being their brother’s keeper. Excluding an entire zone from the highest office for decades undermines unity and development. A tripod stands firmer on three legs than on two, no matter how strong the pair. Moreover, fears of domination are unfounded: Borno North and Central control 19 of the 28 seats in the State Assembly, plus the Speaker, ensuring institutional balance and also effective checks on the Executive, regardless of background.

As a state emerging from years of insurgency, Borno can not afford exclusionary politics. Rebuilding peace and development demands collective ownership of power. Allowing the governorship to rotate across zones would be a powerful gesture of goodwill and reconciliation.

Globally, democratic flexibility offers compelling lessons. London and New York—cities with over 80% white Christian majorities—elected Muslim mayors: Sadiq Khan and Zohran Mamdani. Sadiq is a Muslim of Pakistani extraction who has been a mayor of London since 2016. Mamdani is of Indian-Ugandan background, aged 34, who got sworn in as New York’s mayor recently.

Barack Obama and Rishi Sunak rose to leadership in the United States and the United Kingdom, respectively; two of the most powerful nations on the planet Earth. Sunak is Hindu-practicing British politician of Indian descent, while Obama is a Blackman of African extraction. Therefore, democracy, when practised well, is not only “colour blind” but provides space for all to participate in nation building, even in the most unlikely places like Palestine and Iraq. Hanan Ashrawi has been a strong pillar of Palestinian politics, just as Tariq Aziz (1936-2015) was in Iraq. It’s all been about inclusiveness at the highest levels. Paradoxically, the successive ruling parties in Borno would not facilitate the choice of a state governor, from any of the nine (9) local government areas, in the South.

At home, some of Borno state’s most effective military administrators—Musa Usman, Abdulmumin Aminu, Buba Marwa, among others—were not indigenes of the states they governed. There is no empirical evidence that any ethno-religious leadership combination has produced superior development outcomes in Nigeria. Beyond psychological comfort and ego massage, such pairings have made little difference, be it a Muslim-Muslim, Muslim-Christian, Christian-Christian, or Christian-Muslim leadership combination.

If Borno South is good enough to supply votes, manpower, and loyalty, then it is good enough to supply a governor. Anything short of zoning the 2027 ticket to the South is not “democracy” but ethnic iniquity. For decades, power has circulated within a narrow corridor under the excuse of numbers, while an entire zone is condemned to perpetual deputy status. That is not leadership; it is political hoarding. Borno can not claim moral authority on justice, inclusion, or even post-insurgency healing if fair play is thrown overboard in state affairs. Power hoarded breeds resentment; power shared builds states.

Let 2027, be remembered as the year Borno chose justice over fear/prejudice, equity over dominace, and unity over habit, by letting the ticket move South. Democracy is not religion. As such, its way of practice is never sacrosanct. It is just a secular political art form. Be that as it may, it has moral foundations —justice and equity—values that are God-ordained and which are central to all faiths. This moral justice justice should be extended to Borno South; a zone that equally boasts of a rich pool of seasoned politicians, retired generals, technocrats, and entrepreneurs that fit the political bill and are also capable of delivering. Giving them the ticket in 2027 shall signify a new dawn of democracy in Borno in action, form, and essence.
A.G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

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Seven Killed in Fresh Attack on Benue Community

Published

2 days ago

April 28, 2026

Our Reporter

By: Fabian Apechihin

At least seven people have been confirmed dead following an ആക്രമ by suspected armed herders on Channel One community in Logo Local Government Area of Benue State.

The affected settlement, located along the Arufu–Wukari road near the border with Taraba State, was reportedly invaded late Sunday night. Residents said the attackers stormed the area around 11 p.m., firing indiscriminately and forcing villagers to flee.

A local resident, Amos, who spoke via telephone, said the sudden gunfire caused panic as people ran for safety. A community leader, Joseph Anawah, also confirmed the нападение, initially reporting six fatalities and identifying the victims as Akor Gwakyaa, Msooter Gwakyaa, Aondoungwa Michael, Vershima Michael, Terna Michael, and Msughter Terzungwe.

He added that several others sustained serious injuries and were taken to hospitals in Anyiin, while about seven critically injured victims were transferred to Ugba for further treatment.

According to Anawah, the attackers—believed to be armed Fulani herders—arrived in large numbers on motorcycles and were heavily вооружены. He alleged that they may have come from a camp in Shaor, a deserted village in Logo LGA previously flagged in intelligence reports as a base for armed groups.

The assault has triggered fresh displacement, with residents of the affected and nearby communities fleeing to safer locations over fears of additional attacks.

Chairman of Logo LGA, Clement Kav, confirmed that seven people were killed and four others injured. He said the assailants carried out a swift हमला before retreating.

Kav noted that the incident has been reported to the police commissioner and the state’s Special Adviser on Homeland Security.

Meanwhile, the spokesperson of the Benue State Police Command, DSP Udeme Edet, said she had not yet received full details of the incident but promised to provide updates.

The latest killings add to a growing wave of violence across Benue State. In recent days, multiple attacks have been recorded, including the killing of a traditional ruler and his family in Agatu LGA, as well as the murder of three mourners and abduction of two others in Ushongo LGA.

Community leaders are now urging both state and federal authorities to strengthen coordinated security operations, particularly along border areas, and to dismantle suspected armed camps to prevent further bloodshed.

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Court Orders Accelerated Trial Of Alleged Coup Plot Suspects

Published

2 days ago

April 28, 2026

Our Reporter

By: Fabian Apechihin

A Federal High Court sitting in Abuja has directed that the trial of six individuals accused of plotting to topple President Bola Tinubu’s government be fast-tracked.

In a ruling delivered on Monday, Justice Joyce Abdulmalik approved an accelerated hearing process and scheduled April 29, April 30, May 4, and May 5 for the start of the trial, along with the hearing of bail applications. She, however, stated that proceedings would commence before any bail requests are entertained.

Those standing trial are Mohammed Ibrahim Gana, a retired major-general; Erasmus Ochegobia Victor, a retired navy captain; Ahmed Ibrahim, a police inspector; and Zekeri Umoru, an electrician attached to the Presidential Villa. Also charged are Bukar Kashim Goni and Abdulkadir Sani, a Zaria-based cleric.

The defendants are facing a 13-count charge that includes allegations of treason, terrorism, failure to disclose information, and money laundering. All six pleaded not guilty. One of the charges accuses them of conspiring in 2025 to wage war against the state in a bid to unseat the President.

Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, informed the court that the prosecution is prepared, with witnesses ready to testify. However, defence lawyers—among them Mohammed Ilayepo, Paul Erokoro, A.I. Yeru, and N.S. Diri—objected to the timeline, citing inadequate notice and the complexity of the case.

Despite the concerns raised, the court instructed all parties to cooperate in ensuring a swift trial.

The session was held under heavy security, with journalists barred from the courtroom. Officials, backed by operatives of the Department of State Services, asked reporters to leave shortly before proceedings began.

Meanwhile, a separate military tribunal involving 36 serving officers allegedly connected to the plot is scheduled to resume on May 8. The Defence Headquarters confirmed that the officers are being tried under military law at a tribunal in Abuja.

The parallel civilian and military proceedings highlight the scale of the alleged plot, which authorities say involves both civilians and active-duty personnel.

Former Bayelsa State Governor Timipre Sylva, who was named in several counts but not formally charged, is said to be at large.

The six accused persons had earlier been arraigned and remanded in DSS custody as investigations into the alleged coup plot continue.

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Policy Summersaults Threat To Nigeria’s Growth: CRC Boss

Published

2 days ago

April 28, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

Nigeria’s quest to build a vibrant entrepreneurial economy is under serious threat due to inconsistent government policies, weak infrastructure and fragmented data systems, Managing Director of CRC Credit Bureau Limited, Dr Ahmed Babatunde Popoola, has said.

Popoola raised the alarm while delivering a lecture at the Kwara State University (KWASU), Malete, where he stressed that access to finance alone cannot drive business growth without trust, reliable data and coordinated policy direction.

According to him, Nigeria must urgently strengthen three key pillars—financial services, financial infrastructure and socio-economic systems—to compete with leading entrepreneurial economies globally.

“We must develop all these three in Nigeria to join the league of entrepreneurial economies,” he said.

He expressed concern that frequent policy changes by successive administrations have weakened the impact of government interventions on small businesses and consumers.

“At the public policy level, a coherent access to finance framework for consumers and SMEs needs to be developed. We have observed that different administrations embark on different policies and continuity is not guaranteed. This is a major challenge in Nigeria,” Popoola stated.

The CRC boss also decried the dominance of informal credit systems, warning that millions of Nigerians, including users of unregulated digital lending platforms, remain outside the formal financial ecosystem.

“A lot of credit activities take place informally outside the formal financial system. A robust finance framework would connect these fragmented sources to the formal system and enhance financial inclusion,” he said.

On identity management, he called for the harmonisation of multiple identification platforms under the National Identification Number (NIN), proposing a unified system for all Nigerians.

“We need to accelerate the fusion of tax ID, passport, BVN, driver’s licence and voter’s card with the NIN. It should be the only unique number for everyone,” he added.

Popoola further warned that rising digital financial transactions have increased exposure to fraud and data breaches, urging stricter enforcement of data protection laws.

“Data is central to the success of the financial system. It must be protected from abuse and unauthorised access. Strict compliance with data protection regulations should be enforced,” he said.

He also urged government to unlock critical data held by telecom firms, power distribution companies, insurers and tax authorities to support credit bureaus in improving lending decisions.

“With the right data, credit bureaus can unlock access to credit for consumers and small businesses. Today, data is locked up in silos and not useful to the economy,” he noted.

Highlighting infrastructure gaps, Popoola described poor electricity supply as a major obstacle to industrialisation and enterprise development.

“I do not think any nation can achieve greatness if access to electricity remains as poor as we currently have it in Nigeria,” he said.

He challenged universities to conduct impact assessments on government-backed SME programmes, noting a lack of evidence on whether such interventions are achieving desired outcomes.

“Rigorous research should determine whether these supports are achieving expected outcomes. As of now, we have little research activities in this area,” he added.

Popoola, however, acknowledged progress in Nigeria’s digital ecosystem, citing the growth of fintech firms such as Flutterwave, OPay, Interswitch and MoniePoint as evidence of emerging trust infrastructure.

“Government direct financial support is a form of subsidy and cannot materially address the gaps in access to finance. The promotion of financial infrastructure will move the needle faster,” he said.

He emphasised that improving education and healthcare systems is critical to unlocking the potential of Nigeria’s youthful population.

“When we build the capacity of people through quality education and accessible healthcare, we will unleash opportunities for our youthful population to live lives of dignity and prosperity,” Popoola said.

Meanwhile, the Vice-Chancellor of Kwara State University, Professor Shaykh-Luqman Jimoh, reaffirmed the institution’s commitment to bridging the gap between academia and industry through strategic partnerships.

Jimoh said the collaboration between the university and CRC Credit Bureau Limited would enhance students’ employability through internships, research and industry exposure.

“This lecture is one way we as a university are forging synergy with industry,” he said.

“Our students stand to benefit from structured internships, industry exposure, and targeted employability training, while our faculty will engage in joint research and knowledge exchange that strengthens both academic output and industry practice,” Jimoh added.

He noted that the partnership, formalised in January 2026, focuses on finance, data science and credit management, positioning the university as a driver of economic transformation.

“For us, theory must meet practice on our campuses while practice must reflect grounded theories in our communities. This is the only way universities can contribute meaningfully to national development,” he said.

Also speaking, the Dean of the Faculty of Management and Social Sciences, Dr Rahman Mustapha, underscored the importance of trust in building a sustainable financial and entrepreneurial ecosystem.

“The future of finance and entrepreneurship in Nigeria rests on your shoulders, and trust remains the currency that will sustain your endeavours,” Mustapha told students.

He described the lecture as timely, noting that stronger collaboration between academia and industry is essential for preparing students for real-world challenges and driving national development.