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NIGERIA’S TROUBLING COLLECTIVE MENTALITY FAILURES
By: A G Abubakar

In the 1970s, it was fashionable to mount a spirited defence of sub-Saharan societies against any reference to governance failure, often dismissing such critiques as racist. Later, imperialism was added to the interpretive lens. Both explanations were seen as Western ploys to denigrate Africa, plunder its resources, and subjugate its people—a case of calling a dog a bad name in order to hang it. Half a century later, however, a rethink is unavoidable. While elements of those perceptions remain valid, African societies themselves have increasingly proven complicit in their developmental predicaments.

Nigerians, inclusive, appear to suffer either from inherent vulnerabilities of mentality or from historical experiences that have left indelible marks on the collective psyche. Both victim and perpetrator are therefore culpable. It is what the Hausa proverb captures succinctly: idan ɓera na da sata, daddawa ma na da wari—if the rat is accused of stealing, the locust-bean seasoning itself also emits a tempting smell.

The most damaging form of this complicity is a mentality that struggles to identify challenges, accept ownership, and act decisively. It is a mindset unable to internalise the truth that if you do not act for yourself, no one else will—not for you as an individual, not for you as a race, and not for you as a nation. The world owes no one relevance beyond statistics; only value confers identity.

Information and knowledge, it is often said, constitute that value and power. Whether secular or theological, societies that acquire and apply either tend to improve their well-being. They deploy them to overcome deprivation, ignorance, disease, and premature mortality. According to the UN, over the past half-century the world has reduced poverty, increased life expectancy, lowered illiteracy, and curbed major global conflicts.

Global extreme poverty—defined as living on $2.15 per day—fell from over 40 percent in 1986 to less than 10 percent by 2019. Global mortality rates have dropped by about 60 percent since 1950, while life expectancy rose by roughly 20 years by 2023. Adult literacy increased from 67 percent in 1976 to 86.36 percent in 2023. Major wars of a global nature have also declined since the Second World War in 1945; battle-related deaths, way back in the 90s has dropped to a third of the 1970s.

In Nigeria, these global gains remain largely illusory. Only last year, the country was described by the World Bank and IMF as the poverty capital of the world. Insurgency, terrorism, banditry, killer herdsmen, secessionist militias, and communal violence have turned life into a disposable commodity. Carnage has become routine, depressing life expectancy. The USA, has even accused Nigeria for doing little to stem the killings. With over 20 million children out of school, Nigeria’s literacy rate lags far behind the global average. Sadly, these grim indicators apply to much of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) —even in the 21st century.

Rather than interrogate the form, content, and application of the knowledge that they consume, these societies have embraced an evasive escape—attributing their failures to the Almighty. Nigerians, in particular, have adopted a cloaked mindset that renders them oblivious to their relative and worsening backwardness. Innovation, manufacturing, maintenance culture, and orderly systems are subconsciously assigned to “other people.”

This debility is often explained through historical grievances—slavery, colonialism, neocolonialism, and even Marx and Engel’s “historical dialectical materialism” —while ignoring the rigidity of mentality. A mindset that unites intellectuals and the uninformed alike under a banner of perpetual victimhood, forgetting that other societies endured comparable traumas and yet transcended them.

China suffered imperial domination by the Mongols between the 14th and 18th centuries or even before; Korea endured Japanese imperialism. Much of the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia were victims of both domestic and international slavery before being colonised by European powers. Britain, Spain, Portugal, the Dutch, France, etc were in the forefront of the historically ignoble practices. The Jews experienced centuries of bondage in Egypt. Most have moved on since.

Some have voyaged into space and even gunning for the moon, while Nigerians—and much of sub-Saharan Africa—cannot safely access farms or village markets. The prospects of improvement grow dimmer as mindsets remain trapped in the search for scapegoats and divine intervention, instead of human agency.

In Nigeria, individuals routinely produce children beyond their capacity to care for, then lament behavioural problems and blame divine destiny. Evasion has become a lifestyle. A person beats traffic lights, gets knocked down, survives—and attributes it to divine ordination. Even death resulting from reckless behaviour is explained away as the will of God. Self-accountability is conspicuously absent. Waste is dumped into drains, waterways are blocked, floods and diseases follow—and prayers are offered for prevention. Government is blamed, even as perpetrators present themselves as victims. The irony is staggering.

Communities ignore early warning signs of insecurity until violence consumes them. Only then do leaders search for culprits and call for prayers. Denial precedes disaster; imagination flourishes afterward. Farmers fell trees indiscriminately, refuse sustainable practices, yet complain of poor yields and soil exhaustion—again blaming fate. Even, personal choices are made on impulse, devoid of vision or sustainable interests. The people, thus keep recycling politicians they love to curse for non performance, usually after appeals to premordial sentiments and gifting palliatives that could last few days. Thereafter, deprivations take over; as the politicians kept switching political camps in pursuit of material gains since democracy in Nigeria lacks ideological anchor.

The story is not different with the elite class. They can attend the best schools, excel academically, travel the world and get enlightened, speak queen’s English (blow big big grammar), but in the end hardly rise above the ordinary. The mindsets never change. Something akin to a well trained circus tiger, that remains what it is after a beautiful performance; a four-legged creature
The educated youth are not left of the mentality confusion too. Those searching for opportunities – jobs, businesses, spouses etc – cannot even link their constraints to such obvious factors as economic downturn and the need for a pragmatic way out. Instead, they resort to the metaphysical, by moving from one prayer house/cleric to another, making sacrifices and procuring anointing oil, white handkerchief and the likes for an elusive breakthrough .

Worse still, public functionaries in the sexagenerian bracket (60+) who steal public wealth to become emergency billionaires, knowing fully well that they have less than two decades of “active” life. Statistics has also shown that stollen wealth, unlike the institutional one, hardly thrives after well after the grandmaster thief. Yet Nigerians are helplessly trapped in this infamy.

Government mirrors this mentality, too. Infrastructure is built without maintenance culture. Industrialisation is preached while power generation is neglected. Saboteurs are blamed for predictable failures. When crises escalate, defence budgets balloon. Yet corruption drains resources, resulting in poor equipment, soldiers’ welfare and motivation; allowing violence to mutate and expand.

Existential threats then trigger national prayers. Mosques and churches mobilise. Phantom enemies are invented. The Almighty is summoned to fix self-inflicted chaos. Is this not strange?

Historical experiences matter, but something deeper is at work. Why this resistance to responsibility? Why the insistence that God should clean up messes deliberately created by humans endowed with reason? Why should the people resign themselves to being consumers of other people’s industrial outputs without questioning why they couldn’t do the same thing? Why feel mentally comfortable with it?

Nigeria and indeed the SSA must embark on sincere self-introspection. If education has failed, it must be reformed. If religion has been misapplied, lessons must be drawn from societies where faith, and culture coexists with progress.

The education system and intellectual class must reassess learning content. If mental colonisation persists, it must be dismantled, for a new and progressive mindsets to evolve. It is tragic for an entire people to reconcile themselves to permanent marginality. Certainly, not after dark peoples’ dark experiences in history right from the times of Noah, Egyptian Pharoahs, the slavery days, the colonial and neocolonial periods and down to the balkanisation of the continent.

Africa was partitioned at the Berlin Conference of 1884–85 and subjected to colonialism, followed by neocolonialism. Globalisation, the internet, and now artificial intelligence have completed a subtler chain of domination. The psychological impact has been profound—and escaping it may take generations. But this has to happen.

At some point, history stops sympathising and starts judging. No society can permanently outsource responsibility to slavery, colonialism, fate, or God without paying the price of irrelevance. Nations rise not because they pray harder, complain louder, or remember their wounds longer, but because they confront themselves honestly and act ruthlessly on that truth.

There comes a moment when a people’s suffering ceases to be tragic and becomes willful. God, having endowed humans with intellect, does not suspend causality for societies that locked their mindsets away. Nations that reject accountability do not collapse by conspiracy; they decay by choice. Nigeria’s crisis is therefore not metaphysical but moral—a rebellion against the discipline of cause and effect, and being obvious of it; consciously or otherwise.

Until this society accepts that progress is not a prayer point but a consequence of deliberate action, that faith without responsibility is superstition, and that victimhood is the most expensive ideology a nation can adopt, the future will remain a closed door—locked not by enemies, but from within. If Nigerian and indeed SSA societies have unique problems, which all nations have, they should accept it; work on it, and join the world in improving humanity.

If this obvious expectation sounds untenable then may be it is time to interrogate certain concepts that could help in understanding the people’s mindsets and how they may be influenced and shaped. Science has arguably tried to employ theories of epigenetics, niche construction, and cultural-historical model to shed light on the disposition of a people’s mindset. It would seem that while epigenetic factors shape predispositions of the mind, niche construction produces an environmental and institutional culture that discourages risk-taking and inquisitive inquiry, the two operating in a mutually reinforcing relationship.

Epigenetics, according to contemporary biological and behavioural science, refers to heritable changes in gene expression that do not alter DNA sequences but are influenced by sustained environmental pressures such as stress, deprivation, or social instability. Niche construction theory holds that humans actively modify their social and ecological environments, and these modified environments in turn reshape behavioural norms, incentives, and constraints across generations. The cultural-cognitive model further explains how shared beliefs, values, and learned heuristics become internalised as “common sense,” guiding perception, reasoning, and acceptable behaviour.

Taken together, these forces profoundly shape knowledge organisation, narrowing epistemic horizons, and entrenching cognitive biases that privilege conformity, risk-avoidance, and inherited assumptions over critical inquiry and innovation. Maybe it is time for a deeper introspection.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

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We’ve Known Each Other Since the 90s; I’m Qualified to Call Him a Scumbag – El-Rufai

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Fabian

Former Kaduna State Governor and former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, has weighed in on the Senate’s decision to reject the inclusion of real-time electronic transmission of election results in the proposed electoral reforms.

Speaking in an interview with Trust TV, El-Rufai was asked to react to reports that some members of his party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), including Peter Obi, staged a protest at the National Assembly on Monday over the issue. In his response, he stressed that electoral reforms must be approached transparently and without undue external influence.

El-Rufai expressed confidence that the Senate’s electoral committee would eventually recommend the reinstatement of the provision for real-time electronic transmission of results.

He noted that many senators are experienced public officials who have previously served as governors, ministers, and legislators, and are genuinely committed to strengthening Nigeria’s democracy. However, he argued that their efforts are being overshadowed by the actions of the Senate leadership, including Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

According to El-Rufai, the controversy should not be blamed on the Senate as an institution but on its leadership. He alleged that the presiding officer was acting under external pressure and not in line with the collective will of the majority of senators.

He further predicted that when the Senate reconvenes, lawmakers would be forced to unite, resist such pressure from the leadership, and ensure that the proposed reforms are not undermined.

In a strongly worded remark directed at Akpabio, El-Rufai said:
“I do not consider him distinguished. We have known each other since the 90s. He knows how far we’ve been through, and I think I am qualified to call him a scumbag—and he knows why.”

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Electronic Transmission: This Is Just a Warning Protest, We’ll Wait Till Tomorrow – Isaac Fayose

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Fabian Apechihin

Businessman and activist Isaac Fayose has described Monday’s protest at the National Assembly complex as only a warning, insisting that more action may follow depending on the outcome of lawmakers’ deliberations.

A cross-section of Nigerians on Monday morning converged on the National Assembly to demand that electronic transmission of election results be made compulsory in Nigeria’s electoral laws.

Although the Senate has issued several clarifications amid reports that it rejected electronic transmission of results, protesters maintained that lawmakers must go further by explicitly inserting the phrase “real-time electronic transmission” into the proposed legislation.

In response to the public outcry, the Senate announced on Sunday that it would hold an emergency plenary session on Tuesday to address the concerns.

Speaking to journalists during the protest, Fayose said the decision taken at the emergency sitting would determine whether the demonstrations would continue.

“We all know what happens in a collation room,” he said. “A collation room is where you soak garri with water at night and by morning it has swollen and turned into eba.

“For Nigerians to be satisfied, what we need is electronic transmission of results. They are already trying to deny it. Let’s wait till tomorrow. This protest is just a warning.”

Fayose also questioned the logic of abandoning electronic transmission after huge investments had been made.

“Something we spent close to a trillion naira to achieve, you now want to throw it away? That’s like taking our money and dumping it in the gutter. It cannot happen,” he added.

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US Judge Issues Final Ultimatum as FBI, DEA Delay Release of Tinubu Records

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Fabian Apechihin

A United States federal judge, Beryl A. Howell, has sharply criticised the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) over what she described as deliberate delays in releasing records related to Nigerian President Bola Tinubu.

The documents are being sought through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request filed in 2022 by transparency advocate Aaron Greenspan, with backing from investigative journalist David Hundeyin. The records are expected to provide details on a narcotics-related case from the early 1990s that led to Tinubu forfeiting $460,000 to the U.S. government—allegations he has consistently denied.

In a ruling delivered on February 3, Judge Howell of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia rebuked both agencies for repeatedly missing court-ordered deadlines, noting that the case has dragged on for more than three years without substantial progress.

She subsequently imposed new deadlines, warning that further delays would no longer be tolerated.

Greenspan, the founder of transparency platform Plainsite, filed the FOIA request in June 2022. In 2023, the FBI announced it would release approximately 2,500 pages of Tinubu-related records in monthly batches of 500 pages. However, the process stalled after Tinubu opposed the disclosure, requesting a delay pending the outcome of a Nigerian Supreme Court case challenging his election victory. He argued at the time that releasing the records would “adversely affect” him.

Although Judge Howell approved the temporary pause and Tinubu’s election was later upheld, the FBI and DEA continued to seek extensions, further slowing the release of records linked to longstanding allegations of involvement in cocaine trafficking.

Court filings show that the FBI was expected to submit an updated status report in May 2025, but delayed until January 2026, when it sought yet another extension to February—prompting sharp criticism from the court.

“Defendant FBI has produced no records, despite initially anticipating completion of searches by August 1, 2025,” Howell stated, adding that deadlines had been repeatedly shifted with “minimal explanation.”

She further noted that, like the DEA, the FBI had failed to provide a credible timeline for completing the processing and release of the requested documents.

Judge Howell also dismissed the DEA’s justification for withholding documents for more than six months under the guise of inter-agency consultations.

“Defendant DEA has produced some documents … but has repeated the same explanation for six months and four joint status reports concerning twelve remaining pages not yet released,” she said.

The court ordered the DEA to provide Greenspan with a Vaughn index detailing the legal basis for redacting 50 pages and withholding 172 pages of the records. The agency was also directed to submit sworn affidavits explaining, page by page, when the remaining documents were sent for consultation, expected review timelines, and steps taken to expedite the process.

Similarly, the FBI was ordered to file sworn statements accounting for its repeated failure to meet court deadlines and to begin releasing all non-exempt Tinubu-related records. The bureau was instructed to deliver an initial batch within two weeks of January 30, 2026, submit a detailed schedule for releasing the second batch of 500 pages by March 13, and complete full disclosure by June 1, 2026.

Judge Howell further ordered both agencies to file joint status reports every 14 days, starting February 27, until all responsive records have been processed and released.

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