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OPINION: THE CONCEPT OF CONSTITUENCY PROJECTS: WHO BEWITCHED NIGERIA WITH IT?

Published

8 months ago

January 8, 2026

By: A G Abubakar

Of all the attractive virtues of Western liberal democracy, the aspect that appears to appeal most to Nigerian legislators is the concept of Constituency Projects (CPs). Known in the United States as the pork-barrel system—where Nigeria borrowed the idea—it refers to the practice of lawmakers inserting funding for localised projects into larger national budgets, often bypassing rigorous congressional scrutiny and oversight. These projects typically serve limited populations or special interests, and critics have long likened the scheme to a slush fund because of its opaque nature. The concept originated from 19th century USA, where slaves were gifted salted pork as a reward.

In adapting the system, Nigerian legislators did not merely copy it; they expanded and distorted it, adding another costly layer with severe economic and political consequences. Beyond budget padding and insertions, legislators are now granted periodic direct allocations in the name of constituency projects. Unsurprisingly, the scheme has become a major conduit for self-enrichment. And, for development pundits, a barometer of a ridiculous understanding of the concept of empowerment by some elected officials in parts of the country. For instance, it is a common happening in parts of the North to see the concept of CPs reduced to public gifting where wheelbarrows, prayer mats/plastic kettles, bales of sugarcane, burial items, mass weddings, etc, are paraded as CPs.

When this is combined with the exorbitant cost of running the National Assembly, the grim picture becomes unmistakable: Nigeria can hardly afford the legislature in its present form. For instance, in the 2025 budget, BudgIT, a civic-tech organisation promoting transparency in public finance, uncovered 11,122 projects valued at ₦6.93 trillion inserted by the National Assembly into a ₦54.99 trillion federal budget—representing roughly 12.6 per cent of total expenditure. The trend may continue in 2026, unless otherwise.

In the same fiscal year, members of the House of Representatives and the Senate were reportedly allocated ₦1 billion and ₦2 billion respectively each to directly execute constituency projects—separate from what had already been inserted into the budget. This is in addition to reported monthly total perks of about ₦19 million for Representatives and ₦21 million for senators. These three streams of resources have turned politics into not just a lucrative enterprise but a do-or-die affair and a major driver of systemic corruption.

Until the advent of President Olusegun Obasanjo in the Fourth Republic—and particularly his controversial third-term agenda in 2006—the Nigerian democratic lexicon scarcely featureterm constituency project. If it existed at all, it was never central. The three arms of government—the executive, legislature, and judiciary—largely confined themselves to their constitutional mandates. The legislature made laws and conducted oversight; the executive formulated and implemented policies; and the judiciary adjudicated disputes. Each arm guarded its territory jealously.

Today, those lines have blurred. The legislature has melted into the executive, while the judiciary increasingly appears entangled with both. The system now operates like an unholy trinity—father, son, and holy spirit in one—with checks and balances effectively neutralised.

The journey toward this distortion began with the adoption of the American pork-barrel system and its deployment as a tool of lobbying—or more bluntly, executive corruption—to curry legislative favour. In the United States, pork-barrel spending was originally justified as a means for lawmakers to address isolated and critical local needs. Even there, it has faced intense criticism and restrictions.

In Nigeria, however, the Obasanjo administration amplified the scheme, elevating it into a prominent budget line and weaponising it during the infamous third-term project. Through generous constituency allocations and other unorthodox inducements—popularly dubbed “Ghana-must-go”—the administration nearly succeeded in extending presidential tenure beyond constitutional limits.

Subsequent administrations did not only retain the scheme; they entrenched it as one of the largest cost centres in government spending. What began as quid-pro-quo politics soon degenerated into brazen abuse of public resources. Budget padding, insertions, and manipulations became the defining features of appropriation processes, as legislators competed to corner the largest possible allocations under the guise of constituency projects.

Because the legislature lacks implementing institutions, most CPs are grafted onto executive agencies—ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs). Tracking these funds has now become a full-time preoccupation for many lawmakers, accompanied by relentless wheeling and dealing. Chief executives of MDAs have been reduced to errand boys, often coerced under threats of budgetary retaliation. In many cases, funds are simply siphoned through proxy contractors and vanish without trace. Thus, a class of “politipreneur billionaires” has emerged almost overnight.

Constituency projects have therefore evolved into a fast-growing corruption industry and one of the principal engines of Nigeria’s destructive, zero-sum politics. Literally, chasing and following up on “proxy contractors” of CPs by elected members have become a full-time job. They have little time to spare on burning national issues like the ubiquitous insecurity across the land, systemic corruption, nepotism, and cronyism in governance, poverty, and massive youth joblessness These issues require appropriate legislation and/or oversight and should ordinarily be a major concern for the honourable men and women in the legislature. So far, this doesn’t seem to be the case; as the issues have invariably been pushed to the back burner.

Two disturbing outcomes stand out among legislators who attempt to show goodwill by “doing something” with CP funds. First, CPs have effectively dwarfed Nigeria’s local government system—a constitutionally recognised tier that has been suffocated by state governments, aided by a complicit federal system that pays lip service to autonomy.

This remains a grave constitutional breach, even after the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling affirming local government autonomy—financially, administratively, and electorally. Today, very few local governments can afford to build classrooms, health centres, motor parks, drainage systems, or small dams because they are starved of funds. The joint-account system has crippled grassroots governance in an unprecedented manner.

Ironically, even the Native Authorities of the colonial era and First Republic performed better than today’s emasculated local councils. In this context, any legislator who executes what should ordinarily be a local government project instantly assumes the status of a one-man government. Public loyalty shifts from institutions to individuals—an aberration that deepens corruption, impunity, and bad governance.

The second concern is definitional, particularly in Northern Nigeria. Constituency projects were never intended to be routine programmes or substitutes for government. They were meant to be one-off, strategic interventions addressing critical and catalytic needs. Where CPs dominate service delivery, it is a loud indictment of governance failure.

Add to this the phenomenon of governors’ wives’ projects, and the misapplication of scarce resources becomes even clearer. The poverty of ideas—and the embarrassing extent to which public officials play to the gallery—betrays a shallow understanding of development. While participatory approaches such as bottom-up planning have merit, prioritisation and strategic vision remain indispensable. It is the duty of enlightened leadership to chart a roadmap to the future, not to be imprisoned by local, short-term horizons.

Sadly, this dwarf vision has characterised many Northern politicians. In Kebbi, bundles of sugarcane were distributed to unemployed youths amid fanfare. Somewhere in Kano or Jigawa, a legislator procured burial materials for constituents. Another supplied plastic kettles and prayer mats. In Maiduguri, wheelbarrows were handed out as economic “empowerment” starter packs. Others sponsored mass weddings and also pilgrimages to either Makka or Jerusalem.

One is forced to ask: were people unable to pray before these interventions? Were burials impossible without legislative charity? What becomes of scale-up and sustainability in wheelbarrow empowerment? As for mass weddings, common sense dictates that sustaining a family is far more challenging than organising a ceremony. Of the 3Ps in marriage – provision, protection, and reprocration – mass weddings can only basically guarantee the reprocration aspect successfully. And, the North, knows the danger of producing kids without requisite care.

Even if these initiatives were effective, where are their multiplier effects? This is occurring in a country with over 16 million out-of-school children and millions of unemployed youths. Ironically, we live in an age where ICT, agriculture, livestock management, environmental remediation, carpentry, metalwork, and electrical repairs offer scalable empowerment opportunities requiring little formal education.

Some legislators do execute capital projects—schools, clinics, roads, water, and power facilities—using CP funds, often branding them as legacy projects. While commendable on the surface, such interventions frequently foster unhealthy rivalries. In a fragile democracy like Nigeria’s, constituency projects remain a budgetary distortion and a serious threat to the principle of separation of powers.

The practice must be reviewed. Ending or radically reforming constituency projects will reduce leakages, de-monetise politics, and restore public service as the essence of governance. Democracy in Nigeria has been so bastardised that instead of catalysing development, it now undermines it. Even the US had cause to abolish the practice.

The Supreme Court nullified Congregational Pork Barrel laws, including the 2013 PDAF, the 1990 Countrywide Development Fund (CDF), and the various Congregational Insertions that let lawmakers to take part in execution of projects, because of transparency challenges. Congressmen can only lobby for critical and strategic projects that have both local and general essence. If the US, where accountability and due process are professed hallmarks of governance, could discard CP, then Nigeria, should have no business embracing it.

Let each arm of government return to its constitutional role: the executive to govern, the legislature to legislate and oversee, and the judiciary to dispense justice. Constituency projects—and their attendant corruption—must not be allowed to define liberal democracy, an otherwise noble system of governance.

In the final analysis, constituency projects have become the clearest symbol of how Nigeria’s democracy was hijacked and hollowed out from within: a system designed for representation has been converted into an auction house of public funds, where oversight is traded for patronage and governance is replaced by personal charity. By collapsing the boundaries between lawmaking, execution, and adjudication, the scheme has destroyed the logic of separation of powers, weakened institutions, corrupted incentives, and turned politics into a violent scramble for access to state resources.

What parades as empowerment is often nothing more than organised waste, short-term appeasement, and the recycling of poverty in ceremonial form. Until Nigeria dismantles this distortion and forces each arm of government back into its constitutional lane, democracy will remain expensive, performative, and fundamentally hostile to development—an elaborate ritual of elections masking a system that eats the future to feed the present. Nigerian politics shall be saner, and less cut-throat without the concept of Constituency Projects (CPs).
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

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Gov AbdulRazaq Lauded Over Conferment Of Sadauna Of Ilorin Title

Published

18 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin

Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq has been hailed for the conferment of the prestigious Sadauna of Ilorin Emirate title on him by His Royal Highness, the Emir of Ilorin, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR.

Giving the commendation on Tuesday in a statement in Ilorin, the state capital, Alhaji Yakubu Garba Gobir, who is the Sarkin Gobir and Madawaki of the Ilorin Emirate, described the recognition and honour on Governor AbdulRazaq as well deserved, timely and apt, giving his huge contributions to the growth and development of Ilorin Emirate and Kwara State as a whole.

Gobir specifically commended the Emir of Ilorin for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna, noting that it is a solemn call for greater responsibility, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people.

He added: “The title of Sardauna occupies a position of profound significance in the history, heritage and traditions of the Ilorin Emirate. I commend His Royal Highness, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR, the Emir of Ilorin, for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna.

“The title embodies courage, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people. Your elevation is therefore not merely a mark of honour; it is also a solemn call to greater responsibility and continued service.

“As a fellow title-holder in the Ilorin Emirate, I am particularly delighted to welcome you into this distinguished circle of traditional leadership. I am confident that you will bring to the office the same qualities of leadership, dignity and unwavering commitment to public service that have distinguished your tenure and career.

“At a time when our Emirate and our State require men and women of character, wisdom and courage to advance the interests of our people, I am certain that you will make a meaningful contribution to the enduring unity, progress and development of the Ilorin Emirate.”

Gobir offered prayers for a successful, impactful and enduring tenure for the new Sadauna, adding:
“May Almighty Allah grant you wisdom, sound health and strength, and may He make your tenure as Sardauna of Ilorin a source of lasting honour to you, your family and the entire Ilorin Emirate.”

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FG Commissions KWASU ICT Centre To Enhance Graduates Employability

Published

18 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin.

The wife of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, has commissioned a TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative-backed ICT Experience Centre at the Kwara State University (KWASU), Malete.

It would be recalled that KWASU is one of the six tertiary institutions selected for the pilot phase of this intervention, with one institution representing each of the Nigerian six geopolitical zones.

Represented at the commissioning on Tuesday by the wife of the Vice-President, Nana Shettima, Tinubu said the project is a testament to the federal government’s commitment to advancing education, digital inclusion and enhancing graduate employability.

“The TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative ICT Experience Centre we are commissioning today represents opportunity, innovation, knowledge, and the future of young people in Kwara State and beyond.

She said: “This initiative aligns with the Renewed Hope Agenda of the administration of His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, which places emphasis on youth empowerment, education, innovation, and economic transformation. Mr President is committed to creating opportunities that will equip Nigerian youths with knowledge and skills required to thrive in a modern and competitive world.”

Senator Tinubu said the facility was designed as a modern technology centre equipped with ICT laboratory, interactive digital display, conference facility, and exhibition spaces, adding that it would be an environment for learning, creativity, research, and technology advancement.

According to her, the ICT centres had been commissioned at the Ekiti State University on May 28, University of Cross Rivers State on September 4, Anambra State Polytechnic on September 10, adding that the Centres at Kaduna State University and Taraba State Universities would be commissioned soon.

“The next phase of this intervention will cover 15 institutions in Adamawa, Bayelsa, Borno, Delta, Edo, Enugu, Imo, Katsina, Nasarawa, Niger, Ondo, Osun, Rivers, Yobe, and Zamfara states which construction is currently ongoing. This expansion demonstrates the administration’s commitment to ensuring that more Nigerian youths, irrespective of their locations, have access to digital learning opportunities,” she said.

She encouraged the students to take ownership of the facility, maximise the opportunity it provides, and use technology positively to enhance their lives, community, and the nation.

In his speech, the Executive Secretary of Tetfund, Architect Sonny Echono, said the centres are being established across selected Universities, Polytechnics and Colleges of Education, with the Kwara State University, Malete proudly hosting the facility in the North-Central Zone.

“Through practical training and digital skills acquisition, TETFund seeks to enhance graduate employability, foster innovation and position Nigeria to participate more effectively in the global
technology-driven economy,” he added.

Echono also said that the ICT Experience Centre is designed to equip students and lecturers with critical digital skills in Artificial Intelligence, Cybersecurity, Robotics and Software Development.

He added: “The Centre being commissioned today is one of the foremost ICT Experience Centres being delivered across the country, and the third to be commissioned this year. The Centre is equipped with modern digital devices, Computer systems and relevant software to facilitate training, practical learning and skills development. The facility is appropriately furnished and
fully air-conditioned, with supporting power and municipal infrastructure.”

Also speaking, the Vice Chancellor of the University, Professor Shaykh- Luqman Jimoh, said the new facility represents vision, belief, and an investment in the Nigerian youth to better shape the future of our
nation.

The Vice Chancellor described the ICT Experience Centre as an investment in human capital, in innovation, in entrepreneurship, and, most importantly, it is an investment in the future of Nigeria.

“This Centre will provide opportunities for our students to develop practical digital skills and engage with contemporary technologies. Importantly, it is our hub for interdisciplinary engagement.

“This ICT Experience Centre is therefore a timely, critical, and strategic infrastructure that will definitely enhance research, teaching, learning, entrepreneurship, and community service. This intervention is at the core of what this university seeks from partners and donors: synergies that add value and impact on today and the future,” he started.

KWASU Vice Chancellor also assured that the ICT Experience Centre would be put to maximum use for the benefit of students, researchers, and the University
community, adding that the “KWASU community would engage with the facilities in this Centre, we will use it. We will explore, experiment, learn, and innovate in i

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2027: Violent ;Kaduna as ADC, APC Supporters Trade Accusations….APC Calls For Police Investigation into the Vandalisation, attacks on its Office

Published

18 hours ago

September 16, 2026

Our Reporter

By Hassan Agboola

Tension is mounting in Kaduna State ahead of the 2027 general elections, following renewed exchanges between supporters of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and groups backing the administration of Governor Uba Sani.
The latest development came on Tuesday when ADC governorship candidate, Isa Ashiru, addressed supporters in Kaduna and, according to an account of his remarks, declared that the party was prepared to respond to attacks against its members.
Ashiru was also quoted as saying that it was Governor Uba Sani, rather than President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was responsible for the continued detention of former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai.

However, available public records show that El-Rufai’s detention followed proceedings before the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), with the commission stating that his continued custody was based on a court-issued remand order.

The controversy over El-Rufai’s detention has nevertheless become a major political issue in Kaduna and beyond. The ADC has repeatedly criticised the handling of the former governor’s case and alleged political persecution, while other political actors have made different claims about the circumstances surrounding his detention.
Rising political temperature

Ashiru’s emergence as the ADC governorship candidate has added another dimension to the political contest in Kaduna. He defeated other aspirants at the party’s governorship primary in May 2026 and is now preparing for another governorship contest after previously representing the PDP in the 2019 and 2023 elections.
The political atmosphere has been further complicated by disagreements within the ADC and accusations from different groups over the party’s leadership and candidates.

A Southern Kaduna political group, for instance, recently questioned Ashiru’s candidacy and the choice of his running mate, allegations rejected by an ADC official.
The situation has also produced incidents involving ADC supporters and security personnel. In one recent incident, police dispersed an ADC solidarity walk in Kaduna, while the party subsequently accused opponents of attacking its members and warned that political violence could escalate ahead of the 2027 elections.

The former governor remains an important factor in the emerging political contest. El-Rufai was taken into custody in February 2026 after responding to an invitation from the ICPC. His family subsequently demanded his release, while the anti-graft agency maintained that his detention was authorised by a court.
Since then, the issue has increasingly featured in political statements by the ADC and its supporters, with the party accusing the Federal Government of political persecution and calling for the former governor’s release.
The development has created a new political fault line involving the ADC, the APC-led Kaduna State Government and supporters of the former governor.

While allegations have been exchanged over who is responsible for political violence in Kaduna, the competing narratives should not be confused with established findings. The ADC itself has recently rejected the suggestion that it has a monopoly on political violence and accused unnamed opponents of introducing thuggery into the 2027 political process.

With the 2027 election campaign yet to fully commence, the increasingly combative language from ISA Ashiru and his supporters has raised concerns about the possibility of further confrontation.
The immediate challenge before the political parties, security agencies and community leaders is therefore to ensure that political disagreements do not degenerate into violence, particularly in a state with Kaduna’s history of politically and communally sensitive conflicts.
As at the time of filling tid report the All progressive congress, APC , Kaduna state in a statement has condemned the attacks on its office and called for police investigation
Certainly. I’ll retain the substance of the report while correcting grammar, tightening the structure, and presenting it as a clean newspaper hard-news story.
Writing
APC Condemns Violent Attacks on Members, Party Offices in Kaduna
The Kaduna State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has condemned alleged violent attacks on its members and the vandalisation of party offices and properties in the state.
The party also called on the police and other security agencies to investigate the incidents and ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.
In a statement, the Kaduna State APC Publicity Secretary, Sani Dan-Azare, alleged that some of the party’s members and supporters had been attacked, while some party and support-group offices were vandalised.
He also alleged that vehicles belonging to some party members were damaged during the incidents.
The APC described the attacks as unacceptable and urged security agencies to conduct a thorough and impartial investigation to establish the circumstances surrounding the incidents.
The party called on its members and supporters to remain calm and law-abiding, stressing that they should not resort to retaliation or take the law into their own hands.
The APC said it remained committed to peaceful political engagement and urged all political actors in Kaduna State to conduct their activities within the bounds of the law.
It further appealed to security agencies to strengthen security around party offices and other sensitive locations to prevent further incidents.