By: A G Abubakar

The fact that the North has been in turmoil for the past two and a half decades is no news. Kids born in the dawn of the troubled region may not understand that the North used to be the most peaceful, stable, and very accommodating region of the country. Quiet a far cry from its current toxic ethno-religious and economic relations, driven largely by self-serving political interests and religious bigotry. Narratives that discounted the North’s geography, historical experiences, and the interconnectednes of the diverse groups that shaped its uniqueness.

The North may be going through rough time, but the potential to pull itself from the brink is in no doubt. Already, some soul searching and open engagements about the future are gaining traction across the board. The growing narrative is that the North’s destiny lies in its hands. It has to take the lead in finding the needed solutions. Though some engagements could, at times, be venomous, it is better than continuing to be in a state of denial. Other silver linings on the horizon include a growing tech-savvy and entrepreneurial base among the young generation and Arewa-centric Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) all rising to the occasion, especially the challenges in governance in the region.

How The Rot and Change of Perception May Have Set in

Years of bad governance with its concomitant socioeconomic challenges may have turned the peoples of the North on each other. And, that’s understandable. The logic is simple. Since the phenomenon of socioeconomic deprivations are invisible, the natural instinct is for victims to start interrogating the causes outside themselves. The range of “suspects” could include the next tribe, ethnic group, religion, and even political formation. In the circumstance circumstances, words are taken out of context, actions are misinterpreted, misunderstanding ensued, and conflicts get easily ignited. Nothing unites like a performing economy in a diverse setting.

A once upon a harmonious way of life, has given way to a vicious cycle of conflicts. Opportunists in the form of third parties, politicians, pastoralists, and preachers soon took advantage of the resultant cracks; widening them further. Where pastures and water are available in abundance, like in the Benue enclave, the conflicts could be largely triggered between herders and farmers over access, process, and potential farm infringement. Since farming and pastoralism, as occupations, are practiced by distinct groups, the strained relationship tends to easily acquire religious or tribal colourations, e.g, Tiv/Christian farmer vs. Fulani/Muslim herder. A purely economic calling is fought on the ethno-religious front.

It is this poorly managed economic relationship that has been fueling the crisis in such places as Plateau, Taraba, Adamawa and Borno, Niger, Kogi, Kaduna, and Nasarawa states. With the economic divisions firmly entrenched, politicians step in to form an electoral capital out of the people’s fears, apprehensions, and sentiments. They invoke the message of “us against them” or them” against us.” Words and expressions like, “we got to stand up for our rights,” “it’s our land, and we are ready to defend with the last drop of our lives,” “so vote for us to free yourself from domination,” soon rent the air.

Then comes the clerics, who interpret the fault lines (bad governance, economic deprivations) as divine punishment for transgression. They position themselves to redeem the situation by harvesting and promoting to widening their bases. Thus, fueling the divisions further. Bad governance, a man-made phenomenon, dressed as religious and/or ethnic pursuits constitutes the Northern challenge. A development that is likely to continue into the foreseeable future because of the increasingly poor capacity to manage the region’s diversity. This is as constituent parts of the region behave as if they existed mutually exclusive of each other in history, with requisite narratives in support of the perception.

The Common Historical Experiences and Antecedents

Fortunately, the challenges of unity are redeemable given the long-standing shared values and outlook shaped by both geography and historical experiences. History tells that the maze of relationships and unity among peoples of the North were predicated on three epochs and three (3) layers of common experience in descending order. They include:

the Colonial era (1900-1960), >pre-Colonial periods of the:
(i) Hausa City-states (1359-1808),
(ii) Kwararrafah Empire (14th Century-1840),
(iii) Kanem-Borno Empire (1376-1902),
Sokoto Caliphate, (1804-1904).
The empires of Borno, Kwararrafah, and the Hausa City-states existed side by side for centuries, though with fluid boundaries. The City-states were seven in number. They had no central authority and were united only by the Hausa language and some common cultural practices. The City-states comprised Daura, Katsina, Kano, Gobir, Rano, Zazzau (Zaria), and Biram (Hadeja) (Bala Usman, 2006).

Except for the Hausa City-states, too, the compositions of the Kwararrafah, Kanem-Borno, the Sokoto Caliphate, and the Colonial North were very diverse in terms of ethnicity and culture. The City-states of the time cover today’s Hausa land. The loosely organised Kwararrafah comprised present day’s ethnic nationalities like Tiv, Idoma, Igala, Nupe, Gbagi (Gwari), Babur, Bolewa, Jarawa, Jukun, Angas, Zuru, Atyyap, Zuru, (Dakkarawa) and many more.

The fact of occupying the same geographic space was more or less a “fait accompli” in making the diverse groups to deal with each other in matters of both peace and conflicts. A sort of, for better or for worse. During times of peace, they exchanged goods and services (trading), just as conflicts were rife as well. Geography could therefore be considered as providing the first and also natural context for a common experience among the diverse Northern groups. The Jukuns and their allies, for instance, traded with the Zazzau, Kano, and Katsina for a long time. They equally waged wars of supremacy against each other. According to the Kano Chronicle, the Jukuns at certain periods controlled Kano’s surroundings. Those interactions certainly entailed subtle exchange of cultures and traditions. The Jukun influences are still visible in some Karaye communities of Kano. According to Fremantle, J.M, a historian on Kwararrafah, the entity’s influence also extended to such places as Kano, Katsina, Borno, the lands of Igala, Idoma, Igbira and others, in between.

Within the Kwararrafah itself, groups like Nupe and Igala shared some historical ties through an Igala prince, Tsoede, who was believed to have founded the “original” Nupe kingdom. This was, as the Nupe interacted (war and peace) with the Katsinawa to the North. The Nupe also was a defining fortress for the North to the West, where it created a buffer zone that extended as far as Offa. Nupe was actually destabilised and, on occasions, sacked Offa between 1448 and 1567. Today a Fulani dynasty is one of KinNupe ruling families.
The Igala did a similar job to the South where they fortified northern fringes of Igbo land with North. They networked with their neighbouring Idoma cousins to the north-east, up to the Tiv, Gbagi, and Jukun enclaves. The legendary Queen Amina (1533-1610) of Zazzau (Zaria) died and was buried in Okpachala Ogbagba, a community near IdahIgala land after a failed expedition.

The Jukun group had a close, though at times, checkered relationships with inhabitants of the northeast. It engaged in a couple of wars with Kanem Borno, just as both of them engaged other parts of the Hausaland at different times. It was like a merry-go-round in an interdependence relationship during which person-to-person as well as commercial interactions ensued. At no time, therefore, did the groups – majority or minority – operate exclusive of one another.

The historical relationships continued until the arrival of Dan Fodio, the Fulani Islamic reformer on the scene. A part of the second layer of regional experience. He was able to bring a huge cross section of the North under his Islamic Caliphate called the Sokoto Caliphate. About thirteen flag bearers of the Caliphate were appointed across the region to propagate and safeguard the theocratic message of “purifying” the practice of Islam as a way of life. This experience, to a large extent, has had an impact in shaping the Northern muslim outlook, irrespective of ethnic or cultural backgrounds.

Then came the third wave; the colonialists who declared the region a British Protectorate. They went on to revoke the charter of the Royal Niger Company and formally imposed the British rule. That was in 1900 and it marked the formal beginning of the colonial period in Northern Nigeria. The administration dislodged the Sokoto Caliphate in1903. Thereafter, Western education was introduced along with Christianity, largely in the non-Muslim areas of the region. Like in the case of Islam, the new phenomena (western education and Christianity), added another layer of common values over the North; that impacted the lives, relationships and worldview of the region as well. Call it modernity.

The post-Colonial era saw the Sardauna, Ahmadu Bello, at the helm of affairs as the premier of defunct Northern Nigeria. He was able to use the experience of the Colonial Administration (extension of the third wave) to galvanise and unite the region into a cohesive entity.
Using an all-inclusive team and appropriate policy frameworks, based on the principles of one North, one people, and one destiny.

The Northern government’s cabinet composition and its holistic development policy remain a model to date. The engine room of the Administration of the Time included David Lot, Peter Achimugu, G.U.Ohikere, Hassan Lemu, Michael Audu Buba, Dr. R.A.B.Dikko, Aliyu Obaje, Rwang Pam, Jolly Tanko Yusuf, Audu Obekpa, Abdulrahaman Okene, Tanko Kuta, Muhammad Ribaɗu, Isa Koto, Sunday Awoniyi, Ibrahim Biu, Sir Kashim Ibrahim, Ahmed Talib, Aliyu Makaman Bida, J.A. Aberigbe, Ahmed Talib, Bukar Shuaib, Mahmud Jega, Yahaya Gusau, Isa Kaita, Patrick Dokotri, Ahman Pategi, etc. It was also alleged that the Sardauna was fond of Chukwuma Nzegwu, fondly referred to as Major Kaduna. The names of the Sardauna’s team are indicative of both ethnic and religious backgrounds. For sure inclusiveness couldn’t look any better!

The development process was very equitable and strategic. Capital projects were distributed across the region. There was no attempt to skew infrastructure to individual’s enclaves. Some of the region’s infrastructure at the time include, College of Agriculture, Kabba, Secondary Schools in Dekina, Bida, Keffi, Okene. A University College (now ABU, Zaria) and Agricultural Research Centre, both in Zaria and also a Veterinary School Vom, Jos. Forest Reserves and Plantations were established in Mokwa, Falgore, and other places, including the first irrigation scheme in the North at Yau, in the Chad Basin region of Born. Non was sited in Rabah, Sardauna’s home town. Neither also went to Gusau, Kaita, or Jega, the place of origin of some of his right-hand officers.

The efficacy of mutual accommodation and tolerance on the North’s unity had been profound, especially in the realm of inter-ethnic relations. The Tiv and Fulani fable of “Mun ci” (we have eaten, the cow you left in our care), the Kanuri and Fulani are joke-mate, too. So are the Gobirawa and Yoruba, the Babur and Bolewa/Karaikarai, Kanawa and Zagizagi, etc, all signifying historical cordiallity

Some Of The Contemporary Realities

History tells that many famous families across the North were actually guests at some point, and they became fully integrated into their hosts’ communities without qualms. Sometimes of the famous settler-to-indegines families include the Yakasais, Abachas, Shinkafis, Bawa Garbas, Chanchangis, Tofas, Musa ‘Yar aduas, etc

The Shinkafi brothers, Umaru and Mamuda, from Gashua, in today’s Yobe State, were Marafan Sokoto and Zamfara State governor, respectively.
H.E. former state governor Shekarau, allegedly has links with the North East enclave. He became a governor in the Kano state and currently a Sardaunan, Kano.
The Wazirin Katsina, Ibrahim Ida’s family is believed to be of Igala extraction, allegedly too. He now holds sway in Katsina royal palace.
Elder statesman, Tanko Yakasai, Jukun has represented Kano in Federal Legislature, Executive Council, and now a respected elder in Kano.

The Bashir Tofas and the Abachas are, for instance, the first exclusively-Hausa-speaking generations of their Kanuri families in Kano. Their parents came to Kano as Kanuri merchants. Hon. Shehu Bawa Garba that represented Kaduna North in the State House of Assembly is Bura from Garkiɗa, Adamawa, while the scions of Ahmadu Chanchangi who are now power brokers in Kaduna are of Jukun origin from Taraba. Currently, one Hon. Nelson Chukwu Cyprian Len represents Nguroje Constituency in Taraba State House of Assembly. His story is similar to that of Tudun-Wada-born Comrade Shehu Sani, who became a Senator representing Kaduna North between 2015 and 2019, belonging to one of the tribes of Niger State. In 1961, Ibrahim Imam of Borno Youth Movement (BYM) contested and won an election to represent Tiv District in the defunct Northern House of Assembly.

Today, the ruling dynasty in Lafiya, Nasarawa state is Kanuri, just as one of the three or so families in Zazzau remains Kanuri too. Ja’afaru ɗan Ishaku was the 26th Emir of Zazzau and the 9th in the Kanuri dynasty.

The Bachama (Bwatiye) people of Adamawa (North East) are believed to come from Gobir (North West) before settling at the banks of river Benue. A mutual exchange of goodwill still thrives between the two groups especially during respective traditional leadership installations. Their immediate neighbours in Borno especially the Babur and Bura share a lot of traditions with the Jukun and Gbagi peoples. The royal totem or insignia of Crocodile is held in reverence in the palaces of Aku Uka of Wukari and Emir of Biu. This is regardless of the fact that the Biu ruling dynasty is believed to be of Kanuri and Mandara origin. The Gbagi that shares boundaries with parts of Kebbi share the tradition of carrying load on the shoulder instead of head with the Babur of the North East. Both have culinary culture that includes mbuli and machikle (a fermented and unfermented food leftover) that are at times consumed with garden eggs.

Musa ‘Yar Adu’a Snr (1912) the father of Shehu and Umar was of Kanuri extraction as well. His mother a Katsina princess was married to a Kanuri Islamic scholar. That was during the reign of Muhammad Dikko, 1906 to 1944. Umaru ended as a president of the Federal Republic.

With all the historical mix and antecedents on how the Northern region and its peoples evolved as an entity, the narrative to effect that it never was a distinct sociocultural mosaic or tapestry, might just be a self-serving one. For sure, the Northern unity may not be a perfect entity, but then, no unity is. Nations and regions remain work in progress. The trouble with the region has to do with decades of mismanagement and poor sense of proportion on the part of successive leaderships.

Literally, bad governance, that has created a high sense of disaffection, disillusionment and disharmony across the region. Nothing disunite people like deprivations, and Northerners are grappling with this phenomenon more than ever before. It’s a region simply not working. Things have to change. Fortunately, this reality is gaining traction across the the North despite the call from some quarters that it needs to be dismembered, which is a jaundiced perception.

Keeping It Together Is Still The Way To Go

Truth was, should the North get dismembered, every successor component part shall have the old North in it. The lines demarcation may seem clear in the head but the reality shall be the opposite. Let the factors that are causing the ill feelings, which are basically two, be addressed. They are; justice and equity across ethno-religious divide and the adoption of a general sense of proportion in governance at all levels.

The followership too needs to be better informed. Ignorance plays a huge part in the challenges across the North. The task may be onerous but it is feasible. The Northern family is a by-product both geopolitical and historical realities than myths. Let the North shall rise again.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com