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OPINION:NIGERIA’S POWER PARALYSIS: A CONSUMER’S EXPERIENCE AND VIEWPOINT.
By: A G Abubakar
It is 6:30 p.m. across Nigeria. Workers are returning from the day’s grind, children drift in from improvised street football pitches, and families begin to settle into the rhythms of the evening. In kitchens, dinner plans take shape; in living rooms, bodies seek rest. Then darkness falls—not the natural, tranquil descent of night, but an all-too-familiar, suffocating blackout.
In its place comes a ritual of improvisation: rechargeable torches flicker to life, mobile phone flashlights strain to illuminate rooms, small solar units are rationed, and, in extreme cases, matches are struck like relics of a forgotten age. For millions of Nigerians, this is not an occasional inconvenience—it is a daily reality. The frustration is not merely palpable; it is systemic. Life and livelihoods have seemingly been taken to medieval times.
Nowhere is the cost of Nigeria’s power crisis more evident than in its informal and small-scale business sector, which accounts for over 80% of employment, according to the NBS.
Welders, metal fabricators, and aluminium workers—whose trades depend almost entirely on electricity—often spend entire days idle, waiting for power that never comes. Hairdressers, barbers, and restaurant operators are similarly paralysed. Perishable goods spoil. Cold drinks turn warm. Customers drift away.
The alternative—petrol or diesel generators—offers little relief. Known colloquially as “I pass my neighbour,” these machines have become both a lifeline and a liability. With petrol prices hovering between ₦900 and ₦1,300 per litre following subsidy removal in 2023, and diesel prices often nearing ₦2,000 per litre, the cost of self-generation has become prohibitive.
According to the MAN, manufacturers spent over ₦1.1 trillion on alternative energy sources in 2023 alone. Many multidimensional firms like Dunlop, Michelin, PZ, P&G, Bayer, Unilever, etc have relocated to places like Ghana, and others, where power and other operational requirements are available and reliable. For small businesses, the burden is even more crushing, pushing many to closure and deepening poverty levels in a country where, as the World Bank (2024) estimates, over 60% of the population lives below the poverty line.
Even spiritual spaces are not immune. In mosques, during the call to prayer (adhan), power outages often silence loudspeakers mid-recitation, leaving worshippers disoriented. Churches face similar disruptions, with services punctuated by abrupt darkness or the intrusive roar of generators.
These backup systems, while necessary, come at a cost—financial and experiential. Maintenance expenses drain already limited resources, while noise pollution competes with sermons and hymns. What should be moments of solemn reflection and spiritual connection often become exercises in endurance.
If the inconvenience in homes and businesses is troubling, its implications in healthcare are alarming. Across Nigeria, hospitals and clinics routinely grapple with unreliable power supply. Patient wards plunge into darkness. Critical diagnostic equipment fails. Surgical procedures are delayed or, in extreme cases, cancelled. It is a sad commentary to see critically ill patients battling suffocating heat and mosquitoes in dark hospital wards in most Nigerian healthcare centres.
The Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) has repeatedly warned that erratic electricity contributes to avoidable deaths, particularly in neonatal care, emergency surgery, and vaccine storage. While some tertiary hospitals rely on generators or solar backups, the cost is immense and unsustainable for many primary healthcare centres, especially in rural areas.
It is also a common practice for DisCos to ask neighbourhoods to shoulder the procurement of installations like transformers, cables, cutouts, etc., because the DisCos do not have the financial capacity to do so. It is a case of a retail shop asking customers to come with their weighing machines, measures, and shopping bags—a truly disgusting and unintelligent business practice. But that is what Nigeria’s power consumers have been subjected to for decades.
Authorities are rarely bothered because alternatives are not easy to come by, thus holding consumers to ransom. In the end, they are still left facing one of three variants of electricity outage challenges. These include transient faults occasioned by short circuits, flashovers, failure of grid protection devices (GPD); brownouts (drops in voltage) caused by equipment or operational challenges; and blackouts, which may have to do with the network itself. These frustrating issues have, in a way, become “Nigerians” to the dismay of those who could recall that in 1972, the PRO of the defunct ECN, Alex Nwokedi had to issue public notice to the public a planned maintenance work on Akure, Midwest and Enugu would be disrupted for some hours on Sunday, 12th March 1972. Such is now history.
Nigeria’s electricity crisis is as much historical as it is structural. Electric power development began under colonial rule with the establishment of the Nigerian Electricity Supply Company (NESCO) in 1929. Post-independence, the sector evolved into the Electricity Corporation of Nigeria (ECN) and later the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) in 1972—a name that became synonymous with inefficiency. In 2005, under the Electric Power Sector Reform (EPSR) Act, NEPA was unbundled into the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN), which was subsequently privatised in 2013 into 18 successor companies: 11 Distribution Companies (DisCos), 6 Generation Companies (GenCos), and the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN), which remains government-owned.
Regulatory oversight was assigned to the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), while policy direction resides with the Federal Ministry of Power. For less than 5,000 megawatts being transmitted daily, Nigeria has a cacophony of bodies. At last count, there are over half a dozen: NERC, Nigeria Bulk Electricity Trading (NBET), TCN, GenCos, DisCos, Niger Delta Power Holding Company (NDPHC), Nigeria Independent System Operator (NISO), Grid Asset Management Company (GAMCO), etc. The last two are the newest entrants.
Nigeria, with a population exceeding 220 million, struggles to generate between 3,500 and 5,000 megawatts of electricity—far below its estimated demand of over 20,000 MW, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA). By comparison, South Africa, with a population of about 60 million, has an installed capacity of over 50,000 MW, and Egypt, with 110 million people, has about 59,000 MW. Both countries still scaling up.
Per capita electricity consumption in Nigeria hovers around 144 kWh annually—one of the lowest globally and also lower than the African average of 617 kWh. The WB notes that over 88 million Nigerians lack access to grid electricity, making the country home to the largest electricity access deficit in the world.
Metering remains another critical challenge. As of 2024, NERC reports that only about 50–55% of electricity customers are metered. Thus out of the DisCos records of 13 million customers, only about 6.5 million are metered leaving millions on estimated billing, and millions more in the hard-to-trace power-black-market— rendering the system highly inefficient, extortive, and corruption prone, with both consumers and officials complicit. Kano, Kaduna, and Yola DisCos have as low as 25% metering. In contrast, lesser-endowed nations like Ghana and South Africa have 85% (up to 90%) and 95% metering, respectively.
The problem is compounded by poor synchronisation along the power value chain (generation, transmission, distribution, regulation, maintenance etc), and unrealistic operational assumptions have made the system inefficient and highly unstable; a painful experience for both service providers and consumers. Some of the assumptions include a fairly stable exchange rate, seamless gas supply, minimum redundancy, and an Aggregate Technical, Commercial, and Collection (ATC & C) losses of 21 percent. It’s currently over 50%. The tariff model that has built around these variables, including the cost of generation among others, hasn’t helped much. Not even with the market segregation based on hours of supply and consumer’s ability to pay has been categorised into bands, A, B, C, D, and E, as the inherent problems are real technical. The latter, apart from the value chain incongruity, substandard equipment has added to the sector’s woos.
GAMCO joined the league of Nigeria’s power sector actors with a mandate to recover at least 1,600 MW within 18–24 months. The plan includes building a high-capacity 330kV double-circuit transmission line along the Benin-Lagos axis. The pilot is mandated to optimise electricity from three GenCos under the National Integrated Power Project (NIPP), managed by the Niger Delta Power Holding Company (NDPHC), namely Omotosho (514 MW), Olurunsogo (754 MW), and Ihovbor (508 MW).
Apart from the evacuation of power, GAMCO is expected to improve grid management and build transmission capacity (arguably the functions of TCN), and also mobilise private capital, which the raft of previous reforms should have addressed even before the “commercialisation” of the DisCos.
Maybe a Distribution Asset Management Company (DAMCO) will have to join the list of stakeholders soon to address the downstream as well, because, along with TCN, they pose the greatest challenge to the Nigerian power sector. Thus, Nigeria may be heading back to the days of NEPA and PHCN—a case of one step forward and two steps backward. In fact, some of the mandates of GAMCO may not be too different from TCN’s Transmission, Rehabilitation and Expansion Programme (TREP) initiatives. As for the NISO, it may continue to operate like a bird in a cage of TCN and DisCos—always encumbered by the duo’s inefficiencies.
A Paradox of Plenty? Nigeria’s energy poverty is particularly paradoxical given its vast resource endowments. The country possesses over 200 trillion cubic feet of proven natural gas reserves (among the largest globally). It also has significant coal deposits in Enugu and Kogi States.
There is vast hydropower potential along the Niger and Benue rivers, apart from the renowned Mambila Plateau. Most of the northern states enjoy enormous sunshine, averaging 5.5 kWh/m²/day suitable for solar radiation and wind power plants.Yet, these resources remain underutilised due to policy inconsistency, infrastructural decay, weak investment frameworks, and endemic corruption.
Transparency International and various local watchdogs have repeatedly flagged corruption and mismanagement in the power sector, with billions of dollars reportedly spent over decades yielding little improvement in output. For instance, the proposed Mambila power project has been mired in an alleged $6 billion corruption scandal. In addition, it took the physical presence of two former heads of state, Obasanjo and Buhari, at the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Paris, sitting in arbitration, to save Nigeria from paying millions of dollars in breach-of-contract fees to a firm called Sunrise Power Transmission Ltd. Such corruption stories have defined the sector for years.
Also and regrettably, the political exigency threw up winners mostly lacking in both financial and technical capacity hasn’t helped the Nigerian power sector. The inherent technical and financial defficiency on the part of the “winners” have left most of the DisCos inept, subsidy-dependent and bereft of innovations. In fact the bulk of the employees at both management and operational levels naively perceive the sector as a cash cow, basically.
As of today, it is estimated that over ₦7 trillion (pre-devaluation) has been poured into Nigeria’s power sector by four presidents. This is beside the obligation to pay over ₦150 billion in monthly subsidies. Yet, there is little to show in terms of power growth and stability. Even Tinubu who made it a campaign issue by promising, “If I don’t fix electricity, don’t vote for me for second term in 2027,” seems to have given up on the public power grid in favour of a N10 billion solar system for the Aso Rock. It would however seem that with 2027 around the corner Mr.President has made an effort to redeem the promise by approving “payment plan” to the tune of N3.3 trillion ($2.3 billion), as part of the N6.8 trillion outstanding subsidies, arguably owed to operators. It is hoped that the plan shall be cashbacked.
Solving the nation’s power crisis therefore requires more than incremental cosmetic reforms like change of nomenclature or proliferation of self-serving instititutions. It has to be surgical and fully backed by requisite funding.
First, investment in transmission infrastructure must be prioritised. Experts put the total investment needed to put the power sector on a sound footing at about $100 billion spread along 10 ten years. Out of this figure, the transmission sector shall require about $20 billion in total; about $2 billion annually. The government should be able to do the needful here. The grid, managed by TCN, remains a major bottleneck, incapable of efficiently wheeling even the limited power generated. The DisCos should be made to step up too or return the firms to the goverment.
The privately owned GenCos have enjoyed more investments than the TCN. The same low investments had affected most of the DisCos, which were undercapitalised, ab initio. The two sub-sectors have become bottlenecks. It may sound technically ambitious, but some experts believe that with over 10,000 MW, redundancy out of about 13,000 MW already generated (NBET, 2025), transmission capacity should be expanded to 20,000 MW and that for distribution, 40,000 MW. This would provide enough latitude for demand and supply to reach equilibrium and also engender N-1 stability. For now, the system is reminiscent of an inverted pyramid – difficult to stand on its tip; a structural flaw that could eventually undermine both the GAMCO and NISO.
Second, decentralisation through embedded generation and state-level electricity markets—enabled by the Electricity Act 2023—offers a promising pathway. States can now generate and distribute power independently, reducing overreliance on the national grid. Some states have seized the initiative. The momentum should be maintained.
Third, renewable energy must move from rhetoric to reality. Solar mini-grids, already gaining traction in rural electrification through the Rural Electrification Agency (REA), should be scaled aggressively.
Although there is no global weighting of it as a factor, a growth hypothesis suggests that a 1% increase in electricity supply can stimulate approximately 3.94% GDP growth. And a 1% increase in per capita energy consumption could trigger a 0.23% increase in per capita GDP. In a developed economy like the USA, it is estimated that only 13% of the economy can function without electricity. Power is national survival and progress. The era of deindustrialisation and citizens’ hourly conferences with darkness should be over. Nigerians deserve a better life.
A.G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com
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Gov AbdulRazaq Lauded Over Conferment Of Sadauna Of Ilorin Title
Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin
Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq has been hailed for the conferment of the prestigious Sadauna of Ilorin Emirate title on him by His Royal Highness, the Emir of Ilorin, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR.
Giving the commendation on Tuesday in a statement in Ilorin, the state capital, Alhaji Yakubu Garba Gobir, who is the Sarkin Gobir and Madawaki of the Ilorin Emirate, described the recognition and honour on Governor AbdulRazaq as well deserved, timely and apt, giving his huge contributions to the growth and development of Ilorin Emirate and Kwara State as a whole.
Gobir specifically commended the Emir of Ilorin for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna, noting that it is a solemn call for greater responsibility, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people.
He added: “The title of Sardauna occupies a position of profound significance in the history, heritage and traditions of the Ilorin Emirate. I commend His Royal Highness, Alhaji (Dr.) Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, CFR, the Emir of Ilorin, for conferring this distinguished title in recognition of the qualities and contributions of the new Sardauna.
“The title embodies courage, leadership, loyalty and devoted service to the Emirate and its people. Your elevation is therefore not merely a mark of honour; it is also a solemn call to greater responsibility and continued service.
“As a fellow title-holder in the Ilorin Emirate, I am particularly delighted to welcome you into this distinguished circle of traditional leadership. I am confident that you will bring to the office the same qualities of leadership, dignity and unwavering commitment to public service that have distinguished your tenure and career.
“At a time when our Emirate and our State require men and women of character, wisdom and courage to advance the interests of our people, I am certain that you will make a meaningful contribution to the enduring unity, progress and development of the Ilorin Emirate.”
Gobir offered prayers for a successful, impactful and enduring tenure for the new Sadauna, adding:
“May Almighty Allah grant you wisdom, sound health and strength, and may He make your tenure as Sardauna of Ilorin a source of lasting honour to you, your family and the entire Ilorin Emirate.”
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FG Commissions KWASU ICT Centre To Enhance Graduates Employability
Stephen Olufemi Oni, Ilorin.
The wife of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, has commissioned a TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative-backed ICT Experience Centre at the Kwara State University (KWASU), Malete.
It would be recalled that KWASU is one of the six tertiary institutions selected for the pilot phase of this intervention, with one institution representing each of the Nigerian six geopolitical zones.
Represented at the commissioning on Tuesday by the wife of the Vice-President, Nana Shettima, Tinubu said the project is a testament to the federal government’s commitment to advancing education, digital inclusion and enhancing graduate employability.
“The TETFund/Renewed Hope Initiative ICT Experience Centre we are commissioning today represents opportunity, innovation, knowledge, and the future of young people in Kwara State and beyond.
She said: “This initiative aligns with the Renewed Hope Agenda of the administration of His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, which places emphasis on youth empowerment, education, innovation, and economic transformation. Mr President is committed to creating opportunities that will equip Nigerian youths with knowledge and skills required to thrive in a modern and competitive world.”
Senator Tinubu said the facility was designed as a modern technology centre equipped with ICT laboratory, interactive digital display, conference facility, and exhibition spaces, adding that it would be an environment for learning, creativity, research, and technology advancement.
According to her, the ICT centres had been commissioned at the Ekiti State University on May 28, University of Cross Rivers State on September 4, Anambra State Polytechnic on September 10, adding that the Centres at Kaduna State University and Taraba State Universities would be commissioned soon.
“The next phase of this intervention will cover 15 institutions in Adamawa, Bayelsa, Borno, Delta, Edo, Enugu, Imo, Katsina, Nasarawa, Niger, Ondo, Osun, Rivers, Yobe, and Zamfara states which construction is currently ongoing. This expansion demonstrates the administration’s commitment to ensuring that more Nigerian youths, irrespective of their locations, have access to digital learning opportunities,” she said.
She encouraged the students to take ownership of the facility, maximise the opportunity it provides, and use technology positively to enhance their lives, community, and the nation.
In his speech, the Executive Secretary of Tetfund, Architect Sonny Echono, said the centres are being established across selected Universities, Polytechnics and Colleges of Education, with the Kwara State University, Malete proudly hosting the facility in the North-Central Zone.
“Through practical training and digital skills acquisition, TETFund seeks to enhance graduate employability, foster innovation and position Nigeria to participate more effectively in the global
technology-driven economy,” he added.
Echono also said that the ICT Experience Centre is designed to equip students and lecturers with critical digital skills in Artificial Intelligence, Cybersecurity, Robotics and Software Development.
He added: “The Centre being commissioned today is one of the foremost ICT Experience Centres being delivered across the country, and the third to be commissioned this year. The Centre is equipped with modern digital devices, Computer systems and relevant software to facilitate training, practical learning and skills development. The facility is appropriately furnished and
fully air-conditioned, with supporting power and municipal infrastructure.”
Also speaking, the Vice Chancellor of the University, Professor Shaykh- Luqman Jimoh, said the new facility represents vision, belief, and an investment in the Nigerian youth to better shape the future of our
nation.
The Vice Chancellor described the ICT Experience Centre as an investment in human capital, in innovation, in entrepreneurship, and, most importantly, it is an investment in the future of Nigeria.
“This Centre will provide opportunities for our students to develop practical digital skills and engage with contemporary technologies. Importantly, it is our hub for interdisciplinary engagement.
“This ICT Experience Centre is therefore a timely, critical, and strategic infrastructure that will definitely enhance research, teaching, learning, entrepreneurship, and community service. This intervention is at the core of what this university seeks from partners and donors: synergies that add value and impact on today and the future,” he started.
KWASU Vice Chancellor also assured that the ICT Experience Centre would be put to maximum use for the benefit of students, researchers, and the University
community, adding that the “KWASU community would engage with the facilities in this Centre, we will use it. We will explore, experiment, learn, and innovate in i
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2027: Violent ;Kaduna as ADC, APC Supporters Trade Accusations….APC Calls For Police Investigation into the Vandalisation, attacks on its Office
By Hassan Agboola
Tension is mounting in Kaduna State ahead of the 2027 general elections, following renewed exchanges between supporters of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and groups backing the administration of Governor Uba Sani.
The latest development came on Tuesday when ADC governorship candidate, Isa Ashiru, addressed supporters in Kaduna and, according to an account of his remarks, declared that the party was prepared to respond to attacks against its members.
Ashiru was also quoted as saying that it was Governor Uba Sani, rather than President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was responsible for the continued detention of former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai.
However, available public records show that El-Rufai’s detention followed proceedings before the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), with the commission stating that his continued custody was based on a court-issued remand order.
The controversy over El-Rufai’s detention has nevertheless become a major political issue in Kaduna and beyond. The ADC has repeatedly criticised the handling of the former governor’s case and alleged political persecution, while other political actors have made different claims about the circumstances surrounding his detention.
Rising political temperature
Ashiru’s emergence as the ADC governorship candidate has added another dimension to the political contest in Kaduna. He defeated other aspirants at the party’s governorship primary in May 2026 and is now preparing for another governorship contest after previously representing the PDP in the 2019 and 2023 elections.
The political atmosphere has been further complicated by disagreements within the ADC and accusations from different groups over the party’s leadership and candidates.
A Southern Kaduna political group, for instance, recently questioned Ashiru’s candidacy and the choice of his running mate, allegations rejected by an ADC official.
The situation has also produced incidents involving ADC supporters and security personnel. In one recent incident, police dispersed an ADC solidarity walk in Kaduna, while the party subsequently accused opponents of attacking its members and warned that political violence could escalate ahead of the 2027 elections.
The former governor remains an important factor in the emerging political contest. El-Rufai was taken into custody in February 2026 after responding to an invitation from the ICPC. His family subsequently demanded his release, while the anti-graft agency maintained that his detention was authorised by a court.
Since then, the issue has increasingly featured in political statements by the ADC and its supporters, with the party accusing the Federal Government of political persecution and calling for the former governor’s release.
The development has created a new political fault line involving the ADC, the APC-led Kaduna State Government and supporters of the former governor.
While allegations have been exchanged over who is responsible for political violence in Kaduna, the competing narratives should not be confused with established findings. The ADC itself has recently rejected the suggestion that it has a monopoly on political violence and accused unnamed opponents of introducing thuggery into the 2027 political process.
With the 2027 election campaign yet to fully commence, the increasingly combative language from ISA Ashiru and his supporters has raised concerns about the possibility of further confrontation.
The immediate challenge before the political parties, security agencies and community leaders is therefore to ensure that political disagreements do not degenerate into violence, particularly in a state with Kaduna’s history of politically and communally sensitive conflicts.
As at the time of filling tid report the All progressive congress, APC , Kaduna state in a statement has condemned the attacks on its office and called for police investigation
Certainly. I’ll retain the substance of the report while correcting grammar, tightening the structure, and presenting it as a clean newspaper hard-news story.
Writing
APC Condemns Violent Attacks on Members, Party Offices in Kaduna
The Kaduna State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has condemned alleged violent attacks on its members and the vandalisation of party offices and properties in the state.
The party also called on the police and other security agencies to investigate the incidents and ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.
In a statement, the Kaduna State APC Publicity Secretary, Sani Dan-Azare, alleged that some of the party’s members and supporters had been attacked, while some party and support-group offices were vandalised.
He also alleged that vehicles belonging to some party members were damaged during the incidents.
The APC described the attacks as unacceptable and urged security agencies to conduct a thorough and impartial investigation to establish the circumstances surrounding the incidents.
The party called on its members and supporters to remain calm and law-abiding, stressing that they should not resort to retaliation or take the law into their own hands.
The APC said it remained committed to peaceful political engagement and urged all political actors in Kaduna State to conduct their activities within the bounds of the law.
It further appealed to security agencies to strengthen security around party offices and other sensitive locations to prevent further incidents.
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