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Opinion

Reflections On Nigeria, The North And Stability.

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By: A G Abubakar

What If There Were A Dangote Halal Bank, A Bua Sunnah Bank And Halal Finance Institutes Across The Region?
It would have been less agonising to avoid the grim statistics and the facts behind them when dealing with the challenges across the 19 states that constitute the geographical North. But, that would amount to playing evasive; akin to bringing a case before a law court but avoiding putting a “face” on the accused.

The insidious culprits in this case are the growing cases of insecurity and deprivations that have almost succeeded in pushing the region into a socioeconomic cul-de-suc with a concomitant potential to pull the nation down. A dire situation now that could only be avoided, if and when, the elites, industrialists and governments at the state and local levels in the region, should come together, as a matter of urgency to forge a common front against insecurity and economic hardships to shield the masses from being galvanised by mass discontent and as a consequence resort to the unorthodox. Currently, the North as it is ,is the North no one wants.

The other parts of Nigeria may not be immune from such a crisis, but those in the North dwarf them in terms of scale, intensity, and ideological content. In actuality, if the North were to be an independent state, it would nearing a failed one by now, especially given the increasing number of ungoverned spaces, the rising propensity to resort to self-help, the breakdown of law and order and the dwindling national capacity to address them effectively.

Insurgents and Gunmen in the Midst
By last count, experts believe that there are about thirteen (13) armed groups operating in the North alone. More than half of them are thought to be ideological Jihadists with territorial ambitions. They include the well-known ones like Boko Haram, ISWAP (Islamic State in the West Africa Province) Al’Ansarudeen, Jama’a Islamiy, the Qur’aniyun, and lately the Lakurawa which is believed to be a franchise of the JNIM (Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin) and also an affiliate of the Al-Qaed.

The Lakurawa, though the “new kids on the block” has been determined to have its roots in the Sokolo/Kebbi enclaves of Nigeria where the ancestors of the group’s founder, Amadu Kofa (Amadou Koufa), came from decades ago. Though founded and incubated in Mali, the Movement kept touch with Nigeria and parts of Niger Republic. Records indicate that communities in these regions had cause to enlist their support in the fight against bandits and cattle rustlers before also becoming a violent group, too. The group was pushed out of the country about a decade ago, only to take advantage of the recent diplomatic friction between Nigeria and Niger to stage a comeback. This time around more deadly.

The terrorist formations comprising armed bandits, kidnappers, and highway robbers have been multiplying by the day. Most are identified by their warlords who bear names and/or sobriquet like Buharin Daji, Ado Alero, Ali Kachalla, Yellow, Sububu (Kachalla Halilu Sububu Seno), Alhaji Karki,Dogo Gide, Bello Turji etc.

Today, only four (4) or five (5) states out of the nineteen (19) in the northern part of the country are relatively safe in terms of life and property. They include Kano/Jigawa, Gombe/Bauchi, and, to a lesser extent, the FCT and Nasarawa. Boko Haram/ISWAP is still very active in parts of Borno,Yobe, and Adamawa, while bandits are having field day in Taraba. The armed herdsmen and kidnappers basically considered economic terrorists have taken over large swatches of LGAs in Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto, and Kebbi states The Lakurawa has added ideological dimension to the crisis.

Niger and Kaduna States are hosts to both economic terrorism and jihadists in such enclaves as Birnin Gwari, Kwantagora, Shiroro, Mokwa and others. The Ansaru Islamic group along with Boko Haram/ISWAP, Mourabitoun, the Qur’aniyun cells maintain heavy presence in the zone making life terribly challenging for the numerous communities.The neighbouring states of Kwara (Kaiama, Baruten etc) and Kogi (Okene, Obajana axis) have equally been infiltrated.

The Benue/Plateau region and parts of Taraba and Southern Kaduna states have been grappling with herdsmen and farmers clashes aside from the ethno-religious crisis that have been going on for decades and still sustaining. Inter-religious, inter-tribal, and inter-cultural tensions are frequent occurrences with far-reaching consequences for both life and property.

The Devastations.
Recent studies by such respected firms as the Nigeria based SB Morgen (SBM Intelligence), and Nigeria’s Beacon Security and Intelligence Ltd, provided insight into the gory impacts of terrorism, insurgency and banditry across the North and their concomitant socioeconomic deprivations. For the period between July 2023 and June 2024, the SB Morgen research indicates that 7,568 people were kidnapped for ransom. Out of this, 1,056 were killed. And, over a billion naira paid in ransom. The trio states of Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna topped the kidnapping list.In fact, except for Enugu, the top ten (10) kidnapping-prone states in the nation are in the North.

Thousands of lives have been lost, aside from the psychological trauma visited on the citizens by the numerous insurgency groups, and the picture of the devastation in the North becomes clearer in both physical and mental senses. Physically, it has been difficult for people to undertake traditional economic activities like farming and commerce in the affected areas. Physical infrastructure like national power grid and rail lines have not been spared either. Mentally, through radical preaching by the insurgents, a huge segment of the society has been instigated against the government and its policies (financial inclusion) and social safety nets programmes.

Successive governments have been trying to address the crisis of existential resistance in the region, but so far, the impacts have been minimal. The combo of kinetic and non-kinetic approaches (amnesty, de-radicalisation, etc) didn’t seem to work well. Maybe it’s high time to factor in other root causes to the crisis, namely poverty and ignorance. The panacea for the two should revolve around education, financial inclusion (including the resuscitation of the SMEs), and the re-positioning of the nation’s security architecture for efficiency and effectiveness. The masses, the Northern industrialists/elites, and the government should target the challenges in tandem; joint targeting.

Breathing life into the moribund but critical sectors.
From various sources, including casual observations, it is apparent that the industrial base of the North has totally collapsed. The famous Kaduna, Kano, Zamfara, and Plateau industrial enclaves have all gone under over the last three decades or so. Agriculture and livestock have not been left out of the regression.

The textiles, leatherwork, oil mills, and bottling ventures have become “ghost towns.” For instance, it has been estimated that over 145 textile related businesses have shut down by the end of 2015, during which over 50,000 direct jobs were lost and millions more affected indirectly. A development that precipated poverty, which incidence has since gone beyond 70% (NESG,2019) in such states like Sokoto, Taraba, Jigawa, etc. The poverty challenges coupled with low literacy levels, among other factors, became enablers of insecurity in the region.

Both the formal and the non formal educational systems in the region have suffered from years of neglect by successive governments.This is in addition to some existing pockets of resistance by sections of the society in the North even by the turn of the 21st century. The Nomadic Education Program and the Almajiri Schools strands had but literally been kept on the back burner. The neglect, the tacit resistance, and lately the insurgency/ terrorism have generally devastated the educational system measures in the Northwest and Northeast regions, thereby rendering millions of kids to poverty and radical manipulations.

In fact, statistics from the UNICEF showed that 16 m out of the 20 million out-of-school children are from the North. This is in addition to over 67% of the womenfolk in the region who can not read or write. In short, they are illiterates (curtesy former VP, Osinbajo, WIMBIZ, ’24).

The rich Northerners should invest more
The Forbes listing for 2023/24 top 10 billionaires in dollar terms in Nigeria have many Northerners featuring prominently. Dangote maintains the first position in both Nigeria and Africa. He comes in with $15.3 billion. Abdulsamad of Bua comes second with $7.6 billion. People like Muhammad Indimi of Oriental Energy Resources (OER) with over half a billion dollars and TY Danjumma of South Atlantic Petroleum (SAPERO) equally made the list. The question has this achievement impacted the regions’ well? Well, not much, except for bragging right or a psychological massage that the region still matters. For, over 80% of individuals living among the quartet in the region survive on less than 50 cent a day. A scenario that may qualify as one of the morally repugnant income inequality in the world today, with disconcerting consequences.

The national financial inclusion rate, according to Access the Access to Finance firm (A2F, 2023), stood at 67%. The North East and North West have 47% each signifying low inclusion due to poor earning capacity and/or aversion for conventional banking. May be that explains the fact that since the collapse of the Bank of North, none of the current
major banks in Nigeria has its national Hq in the North. This is aside from the nominal shareholdings in the banking sector by the region as a whole.

The call here is to the governments at all levels to pay a renewed and greater attention to education and
agriculture as it joins hands to defeat the threats of the existential insecurity across the region. The initiative in this respect should include the establishment of the Islamic Finance Institute (IFI) by the relevant state governments.

Individuals like Aliko Dangote, Mangal,and Abdulsamad Rabiu should increase their commitments to socioeconomic cause by establishing an alternative banking system. A system that is compliant with the people’s faith. In short, a banking system that meets the Islamic tenets. After all, the pursuit of wealth should be underpinned by the search for eternal redemption and salvation. Life on earth is a short one.

Dangote, in a fit of emotion arising from his perceived threat to his refinery and indeed business, said he is 67 years old, and so he had lived a larger part of his life. What he was doing therefore was not for himself but for the good of the nation and posterity. He went further to offer the refinery to any interested buyer. Besides, he said, people don’t take wealth to the grave. Aliko, like most rational beings, has come to terms with the effemeral nature of existence. The vanity of life. The same thought may once in a while cross the minds of his younger “cousin” in business, Abdulsamad of BUA Group and the others.

They can use their wealth to uplift the very society that gave them the opportunities to be what and who they are today. They may have been doing that through their various corporate humanitarian Foundations, but they need to extend the same to cover banking services, especially the Islamic brand. Truth, is their immediate constituency and catchments have been financially excluded. The federal government’s attempt at financial inclusion has not registered great success in the region due to a mixture of poverty and religious belief that abhors interest bearing financial systems.

Appropriate Banking System to leverage Government Initiatives. It would be interesting to see Dangote and Abdulsamad each floating halal (islamically permissible banking) bank to compliment government interventions that seek to break resistance to developmental processes in parts of the North. Private investors along with the government can open up the SME sector through the promotion of financial empowerment and inclusion schemes. This is regardless of the likelihood that banking may fall outside of their current core business interests. For a fact, an economically empowered region like the North has the potential for being the bedrock for their long-term business interests in view of its market size. Venturing into the banking space may, therefore, engender a win-win relationship. Besides, the required capital outlays for the advocated regional banks won’t dent their net worth of billions of dollars.

The CBN recently prescribed a new recapitalisation for banks depending on their categories. These include, the international, national, and regional, which capital base was put at N500 billion, N200 billion, and N50 billion, respectively. Merchant banks should have N50 billion while Non-interest banks need N20 billion for those with national spread and N10 billion for regional ones. To the duo, Aliko and Abdulsamad can conveniently foot such bills with ease. They can opt for foreign partnership to access global best practices and also reduce the initial financial outlay.

So let the North and indeed relevant parts of the nation have two halal banks floated by the duo. So let there be a Dangote Halal Bank (DHB), BUA Halal Bank (BHB), and even Indimi Halal Bank (IHB) to complement the not too solid ones currently on ground. Lesser known individuals can equally do the same. The relevant governments in the region should equally establish Halal Finance Institutes to provide the needed manpower and other cross-cutting support services. This should deny radical ideologues the sustained dangerous hold on the people.

The tripartite approach involving the governments, private investors, and millions of faithfuls shall be a game changer in North’s drive for stability and development and invariably the nation at large. Charity, they say, begins at home.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.

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Opinion

Aisha Yesufu Reacts to Soldiers’ Frustration Over Presidential Rewards to D’Tigress, Super Falcons

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By: Fabian Apechihin

Political activist Aisha Yesufu has raised concerns about growing discontent within the Nigerian military, following the federal government’s generous cash gifts to national female sports teams.

In a social media post, Yesufu disclosed that several soldiers had privately voiced frustration over what they perceive as the government’s continued neglect of their welfare, particularly when compared to the lavish rewards given to the Super Falcons and D’Tigress.

“I’ve seen a number of soldiers complaining about the $100,000 gift awarded to both the female football and basketball teams,” Yesufu wrote.

She directed her criticism at the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, questioning whether any effort had been made to ensure President Bola Tinubu—whom she described as having “rigged office to become Commander-in-Chief”—had personally engaged with troops or taken steps to uplift their morale.

“Has Nuhu Ribadu thought it fit to ensure Mr. Tinubu speaks to the soldiers, visits them, or even sends a message to give them a reason not to feel disillusioned?” she asked.

Yesufu warned that continued neglect of the military’s welfare could have serious consequences for national security, suggesting that low morale could lead to dangerous outcomes, including potential sabotage from within.

On Monday, President Tinubu hosted the victorious D’Tigress team at the State House, rewarding each of the 12 players with $100,000 and the technical crew with $50,000. The team had recently claimed their fifth consecutive title at the 2025 FIBA Women’s AfroBasket Championship in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

Similarly, the President rewarded members of the Super Falcons with $100,000 and three-bedroom apartments each for winning the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Technical staff were given $50,000, and all players were also conferred with the national honour of the Order of the Niger (OON).

However, many Nigerian soldiers have taken to social media to express outrage, pointing out the stark contrast between the treatment of athletes and military personnel. They highlighted the dangers they face daily, often earning less than ₦100,000 per month, with some dying in combat just weeks after enlisting.

“Where did Nigerian soldiers go wrong?” one soldier asked online. “The Falcons played for one month and got ₦150 million and apartments. Meanwhile, some of us earn less than ₦100k, and senators take home more in a month than we will earn in 35 years.”


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Crime

The Arrested Benue 53: Critical Reflections

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By: Fabian Apechihin


For law-abiding Nigerians, there is some consolation in the announcement by Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun that 53 individuals have been arrested in connection with acts of terrorism in Benue and Plateau States. Yet, this development raises more questions than it answers. It is telling—and troubling—that the Nigeria Police Force only sprang into action after President Bola Tinubu publicly demanded accountability during a visit to Benue, where over 200 people had been killed.

At Yelwata, the President pointedly asked the IGP, “Where are the arrests?” and insisted that “criminals must be arrested immediately.” Other security agencies were also indirectly rebuked and urged to enhance their intelligence-gathering and operational strategies to prevent future atrocities.

While Tinubu is the commander-in-chief, it is not his role to micromanage the police or military. He has broader responsibilities and should be able to rely on professionals to carry out their duties proactively. It is disheartening that law enforcement agencies, despite being constitutionally empowered and adequately resourced, waited for a presidential directive to act.

The Police Act clearly mandates the Force to prevent and detect crime, apprehend offenders, and maintain public order. That this mandate needed reinforcement from the President reveals an institutional failure. Still, now that some arrests have been made, Nigerians hope this isn’t just a performative gesture. The arrests must lead to thorough investigations and fair prosecutions—without scapegoating the innocent for the sake of optics.

Unfortunately, public confidence in the security apparatus is already worn thin. In January 2024, coordinated attacks in Bokkos and Barkin Ladi LGAs of Plateau State left over 150 dead—despite the presence of ‘Operation Safe Haven.’ No arrests were announced, perhaps because no high-level order demanded them.

Several past incidents feed into this scepticism:

  1. Lack of Political Will: Successive administrations have not decisively tackled terrorism. Statements condemning attacks are often vague or contradictory, and concrete action is rare.
  2. Unresolved Cases: After the June 2022 massacre of 40 worshippers at a Catholic church in Owo, the then Chief of Defence Staff claimed five suspects were arrested. But they were never presented to the public, and the case quietly faded from public discourse.
  3. Terror Financing: In March 2024, the federal government named 15 individuals as terrorism financiers. The law is clear on their prosecution, yet there’s been little public follow-up or accountability.
  4. Flawed Reintegration Programme: Rather than facing justice, many self-proclaimed repentant terrorists are admitted into the government’s ‘Operation Safe Corridor’ for rehabilitation. Over 800 such individuals have reportedly been processed, with some later reoffending or causing unrest in their communities, as lamented by 59 Borno district heads in April 2024.
  5. Complicity Within the System: Several leaders, including the Plateau and Borno State governors, have acknowledged the presence of informants and collaborators within the military, political circles, and even local communities. The current Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, also suspects insider collusion in the pattern of attacks. The Tor Tiv, James Ayatse, described the Benue killings as a “calculated, full-scale genocidal invasion,” and Pope Leo IV called it “a terrible massacre.”
  6. Failed Negotiations: States like Kaduna and Katsina previously attempted to negotiate and pay off terrorists, only to face betrayal. While Northwest governors now claim they’ll refuse further negotiations, fulfilling that commitment may prove difficult given persistent infiltration and internal sabotage.

Terrorists are not invisible. They move in convoys, seize military installations, and even occupy towns—all in plain sight. With the technology and intelligence available today, their whereabouts should not be a mystery.

According to civil society reports, over 2,400 people were killed and nearly 1,900 kidnapped in just the first eight months of the Tinubu administration. Adding the more recent killings in Plateau, Benue, and other regions, the death toll is now in the thousands.

Nigeria is facing a grave existential threat. Yet, there seems to be a disturbing complacency among those entrusted with the nation’s security. Given the strong promises in the ‘Renewed Hope’ manifesto, the Tinubu government must do more than offer rhetoric. It must act.

The perpetrators of the Yelwata massacre—and others across the country—must be swiftly and transparently prosecuted under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Anything less will only reinforce the pattern of impunity that has plagued the country for years. Real accountability will send a message to terrorists—and reassure Nigerians that the cycle of inaction ends here.


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Opinion

The Changing Trajectory Of Governor Zulum’s Development Initiatives In Southern Borno

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By: A G Abubakar

The last outing by HE Professor Babagana Umara Zulum to Biu in Southern Borno, where multiple capital projects were either commissioned or initiated, signified a strategic shift towards inclusion and fair play. It was a masterstroke that had the potential to engender unity and balanced development in the region. This is aside improving the deteriorating political and ethno-religious relations and the concomitant mass discontent in the affected zone(s). Kudos to His Excellency!

The citizens’ hunger for development should be seen as a legitimate aspiration. And, meeting such expectations (reasonably) should naturally be the guiding principles of governance that successive administrations in the state seemed to have jettisoned. A development that has since created a feeling of distrust between the government and the governed in the zone. The people believe, and rightly too, that they have no other polity to call their own apart from Borno State and, as such, deserve to be treated fairly in its affairs.

Professor Zulum may be a “new convert” to this noble philosophy but he seems to have his hands on the right handles going by the strategic nature of the dividends of democracy (infrastructure) his government is extending across parts of the Borno South. And, the Professor-Governor seems to be doing this, not only with the needed expediency but in style too.

The governor inaugurated (commissioned) “a state-of-the-art eye and dental hospital as well as a mega secondary school in Miringa-Biu, Biu LGA” of the state. The eye hospital is a 40-bed ophthalmological care centre. “Similarly, the dental hospital will provide comprehensive oral health services including preventive care, orthodontics, and restorative treatments.” The Mega school in Miringa has the capacity to accommodate 1,300 students students. The school consists of 60 classrooms, 4 laboratories, and an ICT centre.

Apart from the executed projects in Biu, His Excellency ordered the construction of 5 new hospitals in the state, with two coming to Askira and Uba towns in Southern Borno. The others are Gubio, Mafa, and Dikwa. To boost MSMEs in the zone, the governor launched a billion naira (N1 billion) support fund for the initiative. Governor Zulum equally laid the foundation for the construction of 600 housing units across Biu, Hawul (Borno South),Gubio, and Magumeri, with a view to addressing the housing deficits in these communities.

Not long ago, the governor was at the forefront at saving the Nigeria Army University (NAUB), Biu. His administration equally facilitated the take-off of the Federation College of Education, Gwoza, as well as that of the Federal Orthopaedic Centre in Azare, Hawul LGA.

It is common knowledge that governance is about the management of aggregate interests. Interests that may, at times, be even conflicting. It is also about inclusion and equity.

For long, the powers that be in Borno have been perceived as lacking in terms of the sense of proportion, especially in the distribution of capital infrastructure across the state’s constituent parts. For nearly two decades, capital projects have been domiciled in Maiduguri, the seat of government.

Mega schools, tertiary institutions, hospitals, urban renewable schemes (overhead bridges, mass transit systems, etc), support to MSMEs, have all been concentrated in Maiduguri.Thus, turning the polity into a one city-state that left the northern and southern Borno enclaves out. The former is due to the Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgency campaigns in the region, while the latter may not be unconnected with Nigeria’s zero-sum geopolitics underpinned by the tyranny of number.

The state of things, however, seems to be changing for the good of all. Governance is becoming more responsive by exhibiting some modicum of fairness in state craftsmanship.The people need to reciprocate the positive gesture. Trust is crucial in governance, though it has to be earned. The recent action by the government also needs to be sustained in order to maintain public trust.

Like Oliver Twist, the central character in Charles Dickens’ seminal work (1838) of the same title, the people are yearning for more. They wish to remind the Borno State government that the Biu Dam is still uncompleted after almost 40 years! The Damboa to Biu highway, as well as the Damaturu-Biu- Garkida road, need the government’s intervention, too. The poor state of the roads have rendered large chunks of the state a safe haven for Boko Haram/ISWAP. Mobility is a critical factor in prosecuting wars and in securing public support as well.

Apart from the major highways, the Borno State government initiated a rural road development programme to boost economic activities, especially agriculture and commerce. Gunda communities in Biu LGAs and some others in Chibok, Askira/Uba, etc, were identified, and work commenced. Two years down the line, nothing has been done, leaving the affected communities frustrated as they see their hopes gradually getting dashed. For some inexplicable reasons, the Miringa-Garubula-Gunda, feeder road with a possible extension to the border towns of Galabinda and Tattaba, basically remains abandoned.

The State College of Agriculture, Damboa, is still being housed in Maiduguri, the state capital. Attempts should be made to move it to its permanent site after almost three decades. Not forgetting the need to facilitate the return of thousands of Borno citizens pushed into refugee camps in neighbouring Cameroon and Niger.The government’s credibility is at stake with regard to these issues.

The people of Borno South salute the governor, His Excellency, Professor Zulum, for the commendable paradigm shift. May it be a sustainable one.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

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