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APC CHAIR: SHETTIMA AS THE RELUCTANT BRIDE

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By: Inuwa Bwala
Experiences often show, that, God catapults people into positions of leadership, not because such persons have ambitions, rather, those who showed no interest in such a position.
The stories of how the late Shehu Shagari, the late Umar Musa Yar ‘adua, the late Mala Kachallah of Borno and Mohammed Goni in Borno, Peter Odili of Rivers and Peter Obi in Anambra, and numerous others emerged as leaders, readily come to my mind.
Very often too, such leaders emerge from desperate circumstances, when the best hands needed to be brought on board to salvage a situation. Such leaders who emerged in challenging circumstances, without any prior ambition, often give very good account of themselves and always Excell.
Such is the leader the ruling party in Nigeria, the All Progressives Congress, APC needs. Ahead of it’s planned National convention, the APC is at a labyrinth, so to say, as to who fits into it’s permutations for 2023, as national Chairman. Already, there is a coterie of aspirants who have indicated interest in leading the party in the coming years. Amongst them are politicians, with genuine and patriotic intentions, but there are also those, who seek to use the party to advance their personal political interests.
There are those whose pedigrees speak volumes about their real intentions, and there are those who seek the office for vendetta against political foes, or as a refuge for hibernation, after having squandered their goodwill.
I have been musing about who could fit into the permutations of the APC ahead if 2023 elections, taking into account the fact that, unlike before, the contest in the next elections is not going to be a tea party.
I know as a matter of fact that, the party’s numerous think tanks are working behind the scene, trying to workout an acceptable choice in the face of the anticipated intrigues that may play out in 2023. Every curious onlooker could guess, that, the delays in the dates for the congresses and convention might not have been unconnected with the crisis of choice, in who takes over from Mai Mala Buni.
There are strong pointers, as it is, that the Chairmanship position may be zoned to the north: the North East in particular. Except if otherwise, the Vice Presidency will be zoned to the north east region.
Should that happen, there are those who think that, the party should evoke the doctrine if necessity, which will permit Mai Mala Buni to continue beyond the mandate initially given to him to save the APC from imminent collapse, no thanks to Comrade Adams Oshimole’s disastrous outing. But the fear of likely legal war, makes allowing Buni to continue a bad option which is the likely incumbrance.
Those who feel that my former boss and former Borno state Governor Ali Modu Sheriff could be a good alternative to Mai Mala Buni, are skeptical, looking back at his scandalous handling of the affairs of the opposition People’s Democratic Party, PDP, as it acting chairman. That remains a big minus for him. Besides that, Sheriff’s alleged connivance with others, and the Shabby manner he treated President Muhammdu Buhari in past outings makes him a leprous choice. If Sheriff were not a Governor and in control of the ANPP, when he worked for the PDP in the past, to the detriment of his own party, he might have been charged for anti party activity and possibly sacked from the ANPP.
It is against the background that, should the party Chairmanship position be zoned to the North East, that my mind quickly went to the immediate past Governor of Borno State, Senator Kashim Shettima.
I have been a witness to Kashim Shettima’s commitment and dedication to the emergence of an APC President. In the two elections which he midwived in Borno, the APC scored the highest average votes in the country, during the elections. He has no negative tendencies towards the President nor the party, going by his pedigree.
What counts for Kashim Shettima, even more than his fidelity to the party’s goals, is his shrewd intellectual acumen which places him ahead of other contenders. Shettima is highly intelligent and perfectly understands the dynamics of Nigerian politics. He does not have a history of failure, neither does he keep malice. He is very unlikely to have any suspicious motive against the party. Above all, he is a team player, who played various roles in mediating between contending interest in some serious national debates.
I may not be able to exhaust everything that makes me feel Senator Kashim Shettima is better suited to lead the APC, but suffice it to provoke a debate amongst party members on the subject matter.
I have not had the previledge of meeting him in recent times, hence my dilemma, as to whether he may agree with my position. But I feel the biggest challenge is, who could come tell Senator Kashim Shettima, to step forward and bell the cat. So far, he is the beautiful but reluctant bride: who may not have the ambition, but should be compelled to make sacrifices for the party and the country.

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Threat:Osun AG drags Senator Fadahunsi to court over ‘Kill Accord’ members

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The Osun State Government, on Thursday, approached the court for an order of mandamus to compel the investigation of Senator Francis Fadahunsi over alleged threats against supporters of the Accord Party ahead of Saturday’s governorship election.

The application marked HOS/M.157/26, which was filed by the Attorney General of Osun State, has the Inspector-General of Police and the Commissioner of Police, Osun State Command, as Respondents.

The Applicant told the court that the legal action followed a video circulating on social media in which the lawmaker representing Osun East Senatorial District, Fadahunsi, was allegedly captured while addressing a political gathering in front of the Owa Obokun’s Palace in Ilesha on August 11.

The lawmaker was alleged to have made statements interpreted as calls for violence against members of the Accord Party and supporters of the incumbent governor, Ademola Adeleke.

The court was told that a transcript and translation of the speech showed Fadahunsi allegedly directing supporters to attack Accord members wherever they encountered them and also made threats against their families.

The lawmaker was alleged to have instructed his supporters to chase Accord members out of hotels where they were found and made derogatory comments about the party’s yellow caps.

The Attorney-General is among other things, asking the court to compel the police to investigate the video and determine whether the alleged statements constitute criminal offences under applicable laws.

He is also seeking an order directing the police to preserve, authenticate and conduct a forensic examination of the complete video to establish whether it has been altered or edited.

Other reliefs sought include compelling the police to take preventive measures to protect Accord candidates, members and voters from intimidation or harassment before, during and after the election.

“An order directing the Respondents, jointly and severally, to ensure that no person or group acting upon the alleged statements/publication is permitted to intimidate, threaten, attack, harass, chase from hotels, er unlawfully prevent Accord Party members, supporters, or any registered voter from freely exercising their constitutional and statutory richts before, during, and after the forthcomino Osun State Governorship Election scheduled for 15 August 2026.”

As well as, “An order directing the Respondents, jointly and severally, to submit a comprehensive report of all steps taken in compliance with the orders of this Honourable Court within forty-eight (48) hours of the grant of these orders or within such other time as this Honourable Court may deem fit to prescribe, having regard to the extreme urgency and public safety implications of the matter.”

In the supporting affidavit, Nurudeen Kareem, Special Adviser to Governor Ademola Adeleke on Legal Matters, said Accord members had expressed “reasonable and legitimate concerns regarding their safety and security before, during, and after the forthcoming election.”

The government argued that the police have a statutory responsibility under the Police Act 2020 and the 1999 Constitution to prevent crime and maintain public order.

It maintained that waiting until violence occurs before investigating an alleged public threat would undermine the preventive role of law enforcement.

“The Applicant believes that waiting until actual violence, deaths, or injuries occur before investigating an alleged public instruction to kill political opponents would amount to a dereliction of duty,” the government said.

The Attorney-General also clarified that the suit was not asking the court to determine Fadahunsi’s criminal guilt, stressing that such a determination would require a proper criminal trial.

Rather, the government said it was seeking to compel the police to carry out their statutory responsibilities and take appropriate preventive action.

With the election scheduled for Saturday, the government said “time is of the absolute essence”, warning that failure to act on the alleged threats could expose residents to “irreparable harm, loss of life, and widespread civil unrest.”

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Resignation Without Consequence: How Nigeria’s Civil Servants Exploit Electoral Rules

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Every election season in Nigeria brings with it familiar controversies: vote-buying, godfatherism, and the endless battles over electoral credibility. Yet beneath these headline-grabbing issues lies a quieter scandal that rarely receives the same attention but is no less corrosive to Nigeria’s democratic fabric. It is the curious case of civil servants who resign to contest elections, only to return to their government jobs after losing.This practice, subtle yet pervasive, undermines the neutrality of the civil service and turns resignation into a bureaucratic charade. It is a loophole that allows ambition to be tested without risk, creating a revolving door between politics and public service that ordinary Nigerians cannot access.The cycle is predictable. A civil servant employed in a ministry, agency, or legislative office catches the political bug. A seat in the Senate, the House of Representatives, or a state assembly beckons. By law, they must resign before contesting. Dutifully, they submit a resignation letter, step away from their desk, and launch into campaigning. Posters go up, rallies are held, promises are made. But when the ballots are counted and defeat arrives, many simply retrace their steps to their former offices. They request that their resignation be withdrawn or treated as if it never took effect. In many cases, the request is granted. Salaries resume, desks are reoccupied, and the civil service absorbs them back as though nothing happened.This revolving-door arrangement turns the civil service into a cushion for political risk. Ordinary Nigerians who gamble on politics without government jobs face real consequences: financial strain, career disruption, and uncertainty. Civil servants, by contrast, enjoy the comfort of knowing that their jobs await them if politics fails.Consider the case of Gospel Daniel Musa, a staff member of Nigeria’s National Assembly. In 2019, Musa resigned to contest for a Senate seat. He complied with the law, stepped away from his position, and entered the race. When the results came in and he was not declared winner, Musa did not remain outside the civil service to pursue other opportunities. Instead, he returned to the National Assembly and resumed his duties, continuing his career as though the political interlude had been a brief sabbatical. Musa’s case is emblematic of a broader culture in which resignation letters are treated as temporary paperwork rather than final acts.Nigeria’s legal framework is unambiguous. The Constitution and the Electoral Act require civil servants to resign, withdraw, or retire from public service before contesting elections. The requirement is not symbolic. It exists to preserve neutrality and prevent officers from using government resources to advance personal campaigns. Section 88(1) of the Electoral Act 2026 restates this principle, echoing earlier provisions such as Section 84(12) of the 2022 Act. State governments, including Kano, have issued circulars reminding civil servants of this obligation ahead of the 2027 elections. Courts have also clarified the distinction between civil servants and political appointees. Ministers and advisers, appointed at the pleasure of the president or governors, are not bound by the same resignation requirement. But career civil servants—those recruited, promoted, and pensionable within the system—must resign before contesting. A National Assembly staff member, like Musa, falls squarely into this category.The problem lies not in the clarity of the law but in its enforcement. In practice, resignation letters are often treated as reversible. If not fully processed, or if informal understandings exist with superiors, defeated aspirants can slip back into their roles. This undermines the spirit of the law. A resignation intended to be temporary is not a resignation at all—it is a calculated maneuver to safeguard one’s job while testing political waters. The civil service rules, in many documented cases, do not treat resignation to contest elections as irrevocable. Where a resignation has not been formally accepted and processed to finality, officers can return. This creates a culture of “resignation charades,” where compliance is performed but not enforced.The consequences are serious. The resignation requirement becomes a hollow ritual, undermining trust in the neutrality of the civil service. Civil servants enjoy the comfort of a guaranteed job if politics fails, while ordinary Nigerians face real consequences. Officers can leverage official networks and resources during campaigns, blurring the line between public duty and personal ambition. This revolving-door arrangement creates a two-tier system: one for career civil servants with safety nets, and another for ordinary citizens who risk everything to contest elections.Nigeria is not alone in grappling with this issue. In many democracies, civil servants are required to resign permanently before contesting elections. In the United States, the Hatch Act restricts federal employees from engaging in partisan political activity while employed. In India, civil servants must resign or retire before entering politics, with no option of reinstatement. In Ghana, similar rules exist to ensure neutrality, and resignation is treated as final. Nigeria’s practice of reversible resignation stands out as a loophole that undermines democratic safeguards.Several factors explain why this practice endures. Administrative bodies often fail to treat resignations as final. Officers and superiors sometimes collude to keep the door open for reinstatement. The public and political class often treat the practice as a harmless quirk rather than a serious breach. Reform requires political will, which is often lacking.Reforming this practice requires more than restating the law. It demands administrative and cultural change. Resignations submitted for political contests must be treated as irrevocable. Bodies like the Head of Service and the National Assembly Service Commission must close loopholes that allow reinstatement. The public and political class must stop treating reversible resignation as harmless and recognize it as a subversion of democratic safeguards. Clear records of resignations and reinstatements should be maintained and made public.Nigeria’s civil service is meant to be a neutral institution, serving whichever government the people elect. But when officers resign to contest elections and return after losing, neutrality is compromised. The practice erodes credibility, creates unfair advantages, and undermines democratic safeguards. Reform is possible. By treating resignations as final, enforcing administrative rules, and shifting cultural attitudes, Nigeria can strengthen the integrity of its civil service. The revolving door must be closed if the civil service is to remain a true guardian of neutrality in Nigeria’s democracy.

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Osun 2026: Yiaga Africa Raises Alarm Over Pre-Election Violence, Calls for Stronger Security

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Yiaga Africa has expressed concern over the rising incidents of pre-election violence ahead of the August 15 governorship election in Osun State.

The Executive Director of the organisation, Samson Itodo, raised the concern during an interview on Arise Television on Friday, describing the situation as a serious threat to the credibility and peaceful conduct of the election.

Itodo called for stronger security measures to protect voters, political parties, electoral officials and other stakeholders before, during and after the election.

He stressed the need for security agencies to remain professional, impartial and proactive in preventing violence and maintaining law and order across the state.

The concerns come amid heightened political activities as the major parties intensify their campaigns ahead of the August 15 governorship poll.

Yiaga Africa urged relevant authorities to take decisive steps to address emerging security threats and create a safe environment for residents to exercise their constitutional right to vote.

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